tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-65633784421203106102024-03-05T05:08:56.751-08:00National-Revolutionary AlternativeVrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.comBlogger111125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-10112479122861428792018-03-08T12:24:00.003-08:002018-03-08T14:50:49.880-08:00Doubtful 'arguments' from the opponents of the Catalan nation <br />
The opponents of a Catalan nation could be satisfied. The Catalan Government was removed by Madrid and the partial autonomy of Catalonia was abolished. Many Catalan politicians have to appear before the Spanish courts. This will only prove to be a pyrrus victory. Certainly now the recent elections announced by Rajoy in Catalonia resulted in a victory for the separatists' camp. It remains unclear as yet whether, in the longer term, there will be another guerrilla war, as was the case with ETA in the Basque Country in the past. Catalonia itself also had a left-nationalist guerrilla group, which gave up the fight in 1991 and was dissolved. However, now the provocations are continuing and more misery or even a massacre is being waged among the advocates of independence, this option will undoubtedly be put back on the table. The violence perpetrated during the referendum, in which more than 800 civilians were injured, does not augur well. The Catalan Prime Minister Carles Puigdemont's right-liberal centre party has long been cautious about independence. The events surrounding the referendum have therefore provoked a great deal of anger, even among the most moderate supporters of Catalan independence.<br />
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For a long time, the Catalans cherished the illusion that the European Union would accept and support Catalan independence. However, with the referendum, the European Union (EU) invariably supported Madrid and made no attempt whatsoever to condemn the violence against the Catalan people. Within the EU establishment, there was a fear that Catalan independence would fragment the Union further, because it would set an example for Scotland, Northern Ireland, Corsica or even South Tyrol. There was also the fear that this would throw oil on the fire of the financial crisis and that of the Euro crisis. In addition, the driving force behind the EU, namely the BRD government, was concerned that its economic interests would be harmed. The BRD has invested a great deal of capital in Catalonia in recent years. Spain itself is also in a stranglehold of austerity. Chancellor Angela Merkel leaves little room for Spain to breathe. Madrid is under strong pressure from the economic crisis and the imposed interventions from Berlin. Youth unemployment in Spain is already above 40%. Spain, after Greece, is probably the largest crisis country in the EU. Here we can study the failure of capitalism. "Then without the EU!" is now the new slogan in the streets of Catalonia. The seperatists are ' radicalised' in terms of their EU criticism. The supporters of Catalan independence are now putting down the EU flag en masse, where pro-Spanish demonstrators are still waving their EU flags.</div>
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Nevertheless, Catalans cannot count on the unconditional support from nationalists in the rest of Europe. These nationalists often have doubtful arguments for this. For some, it is all about "Franco" and the "Spanish civil war" of the past (fascism versus communism), which is projected directly on Catalonia in 2017. This is an absurd and also incorrect assumption. Their aversion to Catalan independence stems from a fear of socialism or left-wing anti-capitalism, should Catalan independence actually become a reality. That is, of course, nonsense. The Spanish 'socialists' fully support Rajoy's position. Moreover, the largest left-wing movement in Spain, Podemos, has also spoken out against Catalan independence. In Catalonia, the bourgeoisie, left-wing nationalists and right-wing forces are all in favour of independence. However, another part of the Catalans is opposed to independence. There is therefore no question of a left-wing front against Spain. This absurd theory of anti-communists would only be true if the Spanish majority were 'rightwing' and the Catalan majority' leftwing'. However, this is not the case at all. In addition to the bourgeoisie, Catalan nationalism indeed also has a strong left-nationalist tendency. Of course, this has historically taken on a strong anti-fascist form. But in contrast to the Netherlands or Germany, for example, this anti-fascism is not anti-national, but NATIONAL! However, whether or not the left is national, is of course of no concern at all for the Franco-nostalgists.</div>
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Logically, there are again some conspiracy theories going around in certain (nationalist) circles. With a reference to a report in a Catalan newspaper, some people have referred to Soros as being behind the Catalan referendum for independence. But whether this is the truth or not is not being investigated further, because it fits well within their own concepts. Others refer to the Spanish constitution to show that the separation of Catalonia is illegal. Again a nonsense argument. In the case of many modern states, separation from it was not allowed under the constitution. If we were to put this argument into practice, the Soviet Union would still exist today within the national borders of 1989, because all secession from the Soviet Union was constitutionally prohibited. According to this logic, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Estonia would still be' Russian' today. Even Yugoslavia would still have to exist if it were up to the constitution. Of course, national liberation movements are characterized by the fact that they do not recognise the constitution of the state that oppresses them!</div>
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Others on the other hand argue that there is no such thing as a Catalan nationalism. It is, of course, true that the Catalans define the nation differently than we do. This is the case for most peoples on earth. From our nationalistic point of view, it is not at all intended to apply it globally, because our nationalism is specifically concerned with the nature of OUR people. Different nations have different views on what their nation should look like. South American or Hindu nationalism has also hardly anything in common with German nationalism, but nobody cares. Catalan nationalism has both an anti-Völkisch tendency aswell as a Völkisch tendency: it aims to unite all Catalans, including those in France, within one nation. The "Greater Catalan" line is not shared by the bourgeois right, but is a leftist concept that is found particularly in the CUP (Candidatura de Unidad Popular). Their left-wing nationalism is not 'authoritarian' but 'emancipatory'; it is very similar to the left-wing nationalism of the Basque Country and Northern Ireland. However, Catalan nationalism also knows other tendencies, whether classical Marxist, reformist or nationalist. Even the Greens advocate a nationalist left-wing tendency there, in the tradition of the "Joventut Socialista Unificada, l' Entesa de Joves Nacionalistas d' Esquerra". Another myth is the claim that Catalonia wants to separate for purely economic reasons. Catalan GDP, however, is only slightly above that of the rest of the Spanish regions. An average Catalan earns 26,000 euros a year, a average Spaniard earns about 24,000 euros, in Madrid this is even more: 33,000 euros. Therefore, economic motives can hardly have played a role. It can be assumed that this is a genuine Catalan aspiration towards an independent nation and the will to preserve one's own national and cultural identity. The right to national self-determination as a people.</div>
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Then there are those who complain about the discrimination against Spaniards in Barcelona. But, was it not this unfair treatment against the Catalans that was the rootcause of this case? Catalans want independence because they are systematically discriminated by Madrid. The anti-Spanish resentment is not illogical for a Catalan. This is just as logical as an anti-Turkish resentment from Kurds or an anti-Italian resentment from South Tyrolean patriots. Of course, they often mean that the Catalans have more solidarity with an Arab refugee than with a Spanish immigrant. However, it should be borne in mind that the Catalans are not occupied by Riyadh or Baghdad, but by Madrid. So the assumption that Catalan nationalists should, for one reason or another, show solidarity with the rest of Spain is absurd. It would be the same as to ask Northern Ireland's Sinn Féin to show solidarity with its London oppressors. National solidarity can only exist among the members of a single nation, not among opposing nationalisms. A Catalan nationalist who has a interest in solidarity with Madrid, should first of all believe that he is no longer being oppressed or suppressed by it.</div>
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Finally, there is the 'argument' that Catalans support Islamisation and are "Refugees Welcome"-idiots. There are no fewer Muslims or refugees living in most Spanish regions than in Catalonia. The Catalan regional government has a quota of 5000 refugees, which, when converted to Merkel's Germany as a whole, would amount to some 60.000 refugees. About 1/3 of the "upper limit" set by CSU leader Seehofer as a condition for a coalition with the CDU. It goes without saying that the "Refugees Welcome"-idiot here is the Mayor of Barcelona. However, it will be very difficult to link this to the struggle for independence, as she is an opponent of Catalan independence.</div>
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<i>Based on a article of Sache des Volkes</i></div>
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<b></b><i></i><u></u><sub></sub><sup></sup><strike></strike><br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-67148526647773473882017-09-13T03:27:00.003-07:002017-09-13T03:27:33.159-07:00The New Right: The Fifth Column of Zionism<br />
In October 2010, the Dutch right wing populist Geert Wilders travelled to the German capital Berlin. As one of the most prominent representatives of the 'new right' within Europe, he was invited by his German comrades of the political party 'Die Freiheit'. Die Freiheit was founded by the former Berlin CDU-politician René Stadtkewitz. These kinds of new right political parties use the growing discontent, that follows from the imperialist developments, to portray themselves as anti-imperialists and so-called representatives for social themes. However, once we look closer, we will see that what we have here is a very spectacular and refined form of deception: a right wing tendency that was once opposition, but now aims at leading the people towards the agenda of the imperialists.<br />
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<i><span style="text-align: start;"> Geert Wilders and </span>René Stadtkewitz on the founding congress of Die Freiheit</i></div>
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During his speech in Berlin, Geert Wilders showed his true imperialist nature: <i>“Those (the left in general) who claim that Western imperialism is just as big an evil as Soviet imperialism was; and now even state it is as bad as Islamic terrorism (...) During my speech at Ground Zero in new York on 9/11, I told that we are against a divide of the West - that is the USA and Europe -by the blames at our address by Islamist rhetoric. We must praise unity. This because the Western societies are the most free and most blooming in the world. Therefore, we can learn a lot from the USA, the most free nation in the world. (...) It is your (European) responsibility to chose the side of those who are threatened by Islam - like the State Israel and its Jewish population.” </i><b>These statements represent the ideology and demagogy of NATO-imperialism in its purest form!</b></div>
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By studying their statements, we become familiar with what these right wing populist movements really are. Wilders for instance has time after time equated Judaism with Zionism - two concepts that exclude each other. That Geert Wilders and René Stadtkewitz are not the only ones who foster such ideas within the right wing spectrum, became clear in December 2010, when in the by the Zionists occupied Palestinian capital Jerusalem a quasi-official statement arose. In this so-called 'Jerusalem Pact' the participants took among others the following statements:</div>
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= <i>“After the totalitarian systems of the 20th century were overcome, humanity once more is faced with a worldwide totalitarian threat: that of fundamentalist Islam.”</i> Here it is not the imperialist development of capitalist globalization which is designated as the “totalitarian threat”, but only Islam as a religion. What exactly is the difference between “fundamentalist Islam” and all its other religious expressions is not clarified.</div>
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= “<i>With this we are in the front lines of the Western democratic society of values.”</i> So: Clash of Civilizations (Huntington) instead of struggle for social and cultural liberation.</div>
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= <i>“We reject every form of fundamentalism, in any kind of religious and political movement whatsoever.” </i>Sounds good at first glance. However, what directly stands out is that the fascist ideology of Zionism is completely exempted from this “rejection”.</div>
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= <i>“As only democracy in the Middle East, Israel is our most important point of contact against this advancing totalitarian world religion.”</i> No need to read any further. Calling Israel a democracy is the biggest possible nonsense. With this not only the real message of this statement becomes clear, but also the nature of the political project that lies behind it. Free and general elections are held within a democracy - which is not the case in Israel, because there are millions of people excluded from the elections. Not to mention the many blood baths and war crimes...</div>
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= <i>“We recognize the existence of the state of Israel within the framework of international law. Just as the right of Israel to defend itself against all aggressors, especially that of Islamic terror.” </i>Or to cite George Orwell: <i>“War is peace!”</i> Not the by US imperialism supported Zionism, which wages a war against the native population of Palestine and pursues ethnic cleansing, is the aggressor in this case. But apparantly, the Palestinian people who defend themselves against this great injustice, all according to international law, are.</div>
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“The here mentioned principles of this political line can not be changed, nor debated.” Well good to know.</div>
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This “Jerusalem Pact” was signed by, among others, the following political parties:</div>
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<b>= Die Freiheit, Germany</b></div>
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<b>= Pro-NRW, Germany</b></div>
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<b>= FPÖ, Austria</b></div>
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<b>= Zwedendemocraten, Sweden</b></div>
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<b>= Vlaams Belang, Belgium (Flanders)</b></div>
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<i>From the left to the right: Heinz-Christian Strache (FPÖ), Filip Dewinter (Vlaams Belang), René Stadtkewitz (Die Frieheit) - Jerusalem, Palestine 7 dec. 2010</i></div>
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<b>This development is remarkable in many ways: Here the exact same rhetoric is repeated that the secret services and desinformants of NATO-imperialism use, who tried to introduce it with quite some success within the left wing movements. </b>This was especially the case with so-called (anti-German/antideutsche) “Antifa”-groups, where these imperialists desinformants and demagogues abused antifascist cadres of reference to pass through a Zionist agenda. Naturally there are also all kinds of Zionists that can be found in leading roles within the SED/PDS/Die Linke. <b>This new imperialist offensive is meant to also use new right parties to draw potential members and voters from the right national camp back to the NATO-line.</b></div>
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<i>Antideutsche Antifa: Also within the left and antifascist scene zionist proxies are a mean to make activists ready to follow the imperialist agenda </i></div>
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Within the misleading logic of the imperialist oligarchy and imperialist right (= the bourgeois parties of NATO-imperialism), not capitalism is responsible for the causes of these international developments with all its destructive consequences for man, nature and the world peace, but “the dark forces of Islam”. This example of scapegoat politics is nothing new within human history. A central problem within the European societies is that of forced alienation. <b>However, it must be understood that it is not Islam that is the root of these problems, but a very important part of the imperialist strategy, to realize the disintegration of classic cultural nations in favor of globalism. Here it is not about the origin or religion of the designated groups, but about the imperialist agenda. </b>Therefore, all the Islam- and integration debates are deceptions. Who cares how other cultures resolve their religious questions. Furthermore, integration is not the main problem - maybe in some cases, but it is certainly not the structural problem we are dealing with here.</div>
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What really worries the people is the mass immigration and the cultural alienation that accompanies it. The influence it has on the demographic developments within our own cultures and living spaces. These developments that are pre set up by imperialism, which neglect the right on self determination and aimed at undermining sovereignty, are increasingly realized behind the backs of ordinary civilians. Immigrants are merely used as pawns on the board game of the imperialists. <b>Imperialism, that is internationally organized capital, wants to achieve two concrete goals with is migration politics: On one hand the immigrants will serve as cheap labor, which previously could only be exploited in further away regions - thus at higher costs. At the same time the wages of the native populations are decreased and social rights evaded. </b>Also, with socialist- and union resistance it is hard to combat this imperialist strategy - for example by demanding a legal minimum wage -, because most of these aliens fall into the shadow economy and thus don't fall under official legal standards.</div>
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<i>Geert Wilders adresses Pegida: Streetactivists of the New Right </i></div>
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As a consequence of this immigration an immense pressure is exercised on the existing national and cultural structures. The right on cultural self determination of the European peoples is directly challenged. When this immigration politics - imposed by the mainstream parties of imperialism - escalates, only those who imposed these strategies are able to keep themselves standing. <b>Nationstates and cultural structures are obstacles for imperialism and its strive to impose the global market and its geopolitical structures of power to realize the 'One World Capitalism' under imperialist dictatorship. </b>In this context the 'New World Order' is of great use for imperialism, because it weakens all existing national structures -legal norms, economy, culture as well as territorial integrity - and contributes to their disintegration. Here the imperialist right wages its class struggle on an economic, legal as well as cultural level, where both the indigenous populations as well as the migrants become the victims.</div>
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<b>This globalist background is totally neglected in the actual debates of the bourgeois imperialist mainstream. They are aimed at holding deceptive debates.</b> Although the multicultural society is failed, some bourgeois parties want to combat its problems with even more immigration - “progressive”-strategists already make a doubtful attempt. While the problems of ordinary citizens pile up and the elites are alienating themselves from the daily reality, the social unrest and anxiety among parts of the population increase. The imperialist process of cultural disintegration is experienced more and more as a real threat. <b>The resistance against it takes the shape of a growing self-awareness for cultural and national self-determination. Therefore, the imperialist strategists and desinformants have a huge interest to conceal their own part in this and to aim the resistance, against people from other cultures or from a “strange” religion. This is exactly the reason why these imperialist desinformants founded the new right; to try to instigate a cultural clash as a distraction from their own agenda.</b></div>
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New Right on the rise in the whole of Europe</div>
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<b>As anti-imperialists we recognize that the problems of alienation are only one aspect of a broader set of imperialist developments - namely that of capitalist globalization. </b>All these different questions are connected to each other. If we combine the social, cultural and international issues together, an inherent logic becomes clear. The national revolutionary discourse has the assignment to formulate a comprehensive criticism and to lead this into rational actions. This criticism has to contain clear answers. <b>Therefore, we must unmask the new right for what it really is: namely a fifth column of imperialism and Zionism!</b></div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-24208539819605498632017-07-22T23:42:00.002-07:002017-07-22T23:42:19.835-07:00The G20 in Hamburg: Welcome to Hell!<i><br /></i>
<i>Many people were surprised by the severe resistance against the G20 summit in Hamburg. This led to many discussions within anti-capitalist circles. In the run-up to the G20 the system media already warned for the arrival of more than 150.000 protesters, of which according to estimates of the coppers 8000 would be prepared to use violence. Some observers of the ACN/AKN travelled to Hamburg to report.</i><br />
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The day in advance of the G20 summit the police chief Hartmut Dudde* already informed his troops of a change of course: the coppers would follow a hard, repressive line. There was no option of a deescalation strategy. Dudde beforehand, chose for a confrontation with the protesters.<br />
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Although the initial protests against the G20 remained peaceful, they escalated Thursday at night during the “Welcome to Hell” demonstration in Hamburger-Hafen. According to the system media the coppers wanted to disband the protest, because some protesters refused to take down their facial covers. In practice the 12.000 protesters didn't get a chance to participate with the demands of the coppers. The coppers immediately confronted and attacked the protesters in an attempt to isolate about 1.000 autonomen from the rest of the protest. Despite the efforts to contain these protesters, several groups were able to break out of the police chain to spread out in the neighborhood of Sternschanzen. Here in the streets it deteriorated into a battle field: expensive cars were burned out; there was much smoke in the streets and above because of burning objects and barricades; robocops in the streets; excessive use of violence, teargas and water cannons by the coppers.</div>
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This violent escalation marked the mood for the coming days. Friday was also the scene of an unprecedented repression by the coppers. Sternschanzen was hermetically sealed off, heavy armed special units (SEK) were deployed and extra reinforcements were called in (despite an already 20.000 officers (!) strong force). The neighborhood St. Pauli was still somewhat accessible and became the scene of several 'protest' parties, spontaneous protests and short cat-and-mouse games with the coppers. Saturday the events would end with a bourgeois mass demonstration, in which over 200.000 people made a fist against the G20. The protest itself was mostly peaceful, but once again ended in provocations by the coppers. However, the intense resistance of the previous days abstained.</div>
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The decision of bundeskanzler Merkel to organize the G20 summit in the left wing bulwark Hamburg proved to be a game of party politics. In reaction to the violence the system media claimed the “left” should take responsibility for the events in Hamburg. Fingers were mostly pointed at the reformist and bourgeois “left” parties (SPD, Die Grünen and Die Linke). Only 'Die Linke' dared to condemn the excessive police violence, but soon recalled this declaration, to join in with the rest of the bourgeoisie. In the Netherlands we saw a similar response with the reformists from the SP, where Emile Roemer also condemned the violence surrounding the G20 (he remained surprisingly silent about the police violence).</div>
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There were also discussions in the radical-left scene about the violence surrounding the protests against the G20. Some embraced the riots and didn't want to discredit the spontaneity of the actions. Others condemned the so-called 'senseless riots' and 'a-political violence'. Andreas Blechsmidt - representative of the Rote Flora - (rightly so) pointed the finger towards the policy of the police on Thursday. Not the Black Bloc, but the coppers were guilty of the violence. Still, he distanced himself from the vandalism in Schanzenviertel. A logic statement considering the Rote Flora depends on a good relation with the neighborhood, which provides back cover for its activities there. Remarkably enough Blechsmidt could count on acclamation of the system media (and a local group of enterprises): The vandalism and plunder had to be the work of South-Europeans (Greek, Italian, Spanish and French protesters), who were not conscious about the relations in the neighborhood. Or, they simply saw everything German as a legitimate target (because German imperialism is for most part responsible for the economic excavations of the weak economies of Southern-Europe, which caused much grudge).</div>
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Also, within the nationalist scene the events in Hamburg provoked many reactions. A significant part displayed itself once again as being arch-reactionary: “Hamburg would have been hostage of an organized anarchist terrorism!” The hooligans of HoGeSa called “to take back control over the city!” - a clandestine call to attack anti-G20 protesters together with the coppers. The usual right wing elements were on the forefront to cry along with the howling wolfs of the bourgeoisie, and condemned “the rioters who destroyed the private property of the working class [really ???].” <b>The Dutch ACN/AKN collective takes a far distance from any of these kinds of reactionary elements (also within the international ACN-relations!). The targeted actions against the G20, its infrastructure and its security (the coppers), would never have been possible without spontaneous 'riots' and temporary rebellion. Therefore, it is useless to connect these events to some kind of misplaced ethical philosophy, let alone uncritically parroting the system media and bourgeoisie!</b></div>
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<b>LET THE REACTIONARY HOUNDS BARK! </b></div>
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<b>THE REVOLUTIONARY CARAVAN GOES FORTH!</b></div>
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<b>HAMBURG: >>KRIEG BEGINT HIER!<< - “HURRA! EURE WELT GEHT UNTER!”</b></div>
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<i><b>Note: *</b> <b>Hartmut Dudde</b> has a long history as chief in command of police violence. On the eve of the 21st of December 2013, Dudde already tried to stop an autonomous demonstration. This succeeded after just 200 meters. However, it then completetely escalated: stones flew, water cannons were deployed and there were hundreds of wounded on both sides. The system media described it as a “battlefield”, one of the biggest confrontations Hamburg had seen in a long while. Days after the incident there were stil parts of the city that were declared 'no-go areas'.<b> </b></i></div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-855254365959348202017-07-19T15:36:00.001-07:002017-07-19T15:36:19.500-07:00In the spirit of the SA: Towards a Revolutionary National Socialism!<br />
<i>National socialism was, contrary to what is commonly believed, never a movement of the right. It strove for a sincere and authentic German socialism. Traditionally, the left in Germany never pursued the interests of the German people. With the defeat of the German empire in 1918 this once more became painfully evident. The first World War exposed the vulnerable position of the nation as a 'Mittellage' between its French arch-enemy on the one hand and the Russian empire on the other. From the West, the Anglo-Saxon liberal democracy tried to integrate Germany, in the form of the Weimar Republic, into their liberal democratic world order. At the same time from the East, Germany was threatened by the communist world revolution of Moscow. The East gained influence through the presence of a strong communist party, the KPD, which acted as a promising vassal for Moscow.</i><br />
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<i>National Socialism was born in this political climate in 1920, as an attempt to create an authentic German völkisch-socialism. As the name national socialism already suggests, this movement had a double complementary identity; the unification of the ideal of nationalism and that of socialism. However, in political practice this appeared to be rather controversial, because a convinced socialist worker party cannot do anything else than focusing on the working class and forging alliances with worker movements. On the other hand, a primary nationalist party is expected to address the people as a whole, forging alliances with right wing political and social formations. A certain schizophrenia stems from this, which led to tensions within the movement.</i><br />
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As the strong man of the movement, it was Hitler who determined the course of the NSDAP. From the start, he tried to take a neutral centrist position by acknowledging the socialism of the party, but denying its proletarian class character. Still, this was not enough to prevent the buildup of regular tensions between the national and the social camps. Especially the period between the failed national socialist coup of 1923 and the take over of power in 1933, the movement was a scene of violent principled conflicts about the course of the party. During many occasions the party militia, the Sturm Abteilung (SA), was in the middle of these conflicts. Besides this, there was a cultural gap that spread straight through the party. This gap revealed itself in 1925 as a contradiction between the old Southern gravity point of the NSDAP and the leadership of the movement in the industrial West and North of Germany.</div>
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Inside the West and North German movement, Joseph Goebbels and the Strasser brothers proved to be the biggest rivals of Munich. It was Gregor Strasser who developed a socialist alternative, devised in a revolutionary adaption of the NSDAP program. Since the beginning of his career, he already proved to be a sincere anti capitalist. He understood very well that the industrial North of Germany required a different approach than the rural and traditional South. He was supported in this by a young Joseph Goebbels, who stated that the German nationalism had to develop into a German socialism - and this was supposed to be a radical socialism. He openly sought alliances with the national-bolshevists and was quite positive about the communists, whose biggest mistake according to him was their connection to Moscow. This controversy got a political charge when Strasser and Goebbels openly presented their revolutionary program. However, under strong pressure from Hitler and the party leadership in Munich, Strasser caved and withdrew the copies of his program. Afterwards the ideological discussion in the party leadership was silenced.</div>
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<i>1926: Strasser and Goebbels in Berlin</i></div>
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For the SA this wasn’t the case. National socialism stemmed from the soldiers revolt that followed the defeat of the German empire. Many members in the party were veterans from the many Freikorps and other paramilitary organizations in the country, who in this uncertain times upheld order on their own. In a sense they simply continued the war, spirited by a deep desire for community, fellowship and equality. This was the breeding ground for a renewed believe in the national cause and a more egalitarian society - a militant nationalism connected to a radical socialism. With the SA the NSDAP created its revolutionary vanguard, that was to embody what the movement was meant to be: a revolutionary combat group, with unconditional loyalty to the Führer.</div>
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Although the SA was officially subordinate to the party leadership, tendencies towards independence arose on several occasions. This commenced from the proletarian make up of the SA, whose militants were inclined to more revolutionary and radical actions. In many occasions the militia developed its own ideological preferences. When Hitler (in 1923 after the failed putsch) was sentenced to prison, Röhm let the SA 'submerge' into a new combat group. When Hitler was released from prison and tried to claim the highest authority back, Röhm was an inconvenience. It wasn’t until the end of 1926 that Hitler was able to replace Röhm with a more compliant commander. However, this didn’t solve the tensions between the party and the militia.</div>
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The revolutionary profile of the SA became strengthened throughout the following years by a steady influx of workers. The SA presented itself as the vanguard of the proletariat, and as such knew a huge influx of new members. During the economic depression that started in 1929, the membership rose from 10.000 members to 300.000 members in less than three years. There was also great discontent among the members of this militia because of the huge electoral victory during the Reichstag-elections. This electoral victory led the party leadership to openly embrace a legal way towards power and consensus politics. This was at odds with the SA who favored revolution, because of its class character, temperament and ideology.</div>
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<i>SA men in a truck bearing the slogan: Be socialist in deed!</i></div>
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When in 1930 the head office of the party in Munich settled in an extremely prestigious and precious building, the SA demanded an improvement of its financial position. The common SA man had a very bad wage, but was obliged to do the dirty work for the party leadership. When this demand was not met, the SA stormed the head office of the party in Berlin and caused major damage there. As a consequence, Röhm was re-appointed to restrain the SA, but without much success. Walther Stennes, commander of the SA in Berlin, maintained his position that the legal course of Hitler equaled treason to the revolutionary spirit of national socialism. A rumor that Walther Stennes had been fired, was enough to unleash a SA revolt in the whole North- and West of Germany. During this revolt more and more SA men looked at the communist KPD as an example of a real workers party. Although this revolt took threatening shapes, the party leadership was able to appease the moods. However, in 1931 it once again sprung to a conflict, in which Stennes violently occupied the printers and offices of 'Der Angriff' in Berlin. The SS was deployed to get the occupiers out of these offices. Also notable, were the good relations between the SA and the Kampfgemeinschaft Revolutionärer Nationalsozialisten of Otto Strasser, who left the party with about 100 dissatisfied members under the slogan: “The socialist leave the party!”</div>
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<i>Walther Stennes, Commander of the SA in Berlin</i></div>
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<b>The Treason of 1934</b></div>
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While Hitler and the party leadership defended their choice for a legal conquest of power and profiled themselves as the moderate representatives of their movement, the radicalized proletarian support of the SA was ready to push the revolution by overthrowing capitalism. In 1933 the transfer of power from Paul von Hindenburg to Hitler took place. The representatives of big business had embraced Hitler’s appointment and even managed to get a place in the new cabinet.</div>
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This political lobbying behind closed doors and the collaboration with capitalists was a thorn in the eye of the SA. The SA started to deal with their political enemies, the hated bosses and bureaucrats, on the streets. Banks and corporations were attacked and the stock exchange in Frankfurt was occupied by a SA unit that demanded the resignation of the entire management. The militia wanted to push their revolution, but Hitler was far from delighted by these actions. During a mass manifestation of the SA in April, he thanked the militia in the name of the people and the nation. However, for the good listener a farewell could be heard.</div>
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The tensions between Hitler and the SA increased even more because of the ambitions of Röhm to predestine the SA as the new national army of the German empire. This made the Reichswehr feel threatened, and they started to put pressure on Hitler. Soon unconfirmed rumors were circulating that the SA had plans for a putsch, to get rid of the Reichswehr. In the night of 30 June to the 1st of July SS leaders Heinrich Himmler and Reinhard Heydrich seized the opportunity to behead the SA, thereby squashing their revolutionary aspirations. On this 'night of the long knives' 89 SA leaders were ambushed by SS units and executed. Shortly after the SA was shredded and shrunk, with which the last autonomous and revolutionary force in the national socialist movement disappeared. </div>
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<i>89 SA leaders are being executed in 1934</i></div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-3136535284595426732017-07-17T03:41:00.003-07:002017-07-17T03:42:02.666-07:00About the Urge for Deeds: Ernst Jünger and the Autonomen<br />
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<i>"Rather to incinerate on the barricades of the revolution, than rotting away on the dung hill of democracy!"</i></div>
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<b>Ernst Jünger would be very interested in the recent events surrounding the G20 in Hamburg. Brave warriors who fought without fear, against the ruling order in the light of burning barricades. During the first World War the then 27-years old national-revolutionary and Reichswehr officer Ernst Jünger wrote down a text in his diary, which - provided they would keep his name secret - could have counted on much consent among the autonome warriors in the Schanzenviertel.</b><br />
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The pamphlet of this anarch of German literature, who didn't want to call himself an anarchist because the term was hjijacked by the left, is called <i>"Struggle as an internal and engaging experience."</i> In it Jünger criticizes<i> "the society of the spoiled culture, which is divided in all its activity and lust."</i> Only on the battlefields of the first World War Jünger could find salvation and overcome the compulsiveness of this ruling system. He wrote: <i>"There [on the battlefield] man liberates himself in an orgy of ecstasy, when all around him collapses." </i><br />
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He strives for the rediscovery of violence, because each attack on the foundations of the bourgeois culture, leads towards a spontaneous outburst of lust. In contradiction to his other works, this ecstasy of violence is not a plea for a new order or for the militarization of all aspects of life. Jünger’s only goal here, is a hedonist strive towards the ultimate fulfillment of the spirit; the struggle itself as the most intensive expression of human existence! <br />
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The link between Jünger’s pamphlet and the autonome <i>"politics of the individual"</i> is easily made. Not the people or the worker as social class is the starting point of political action, but an orientation on the self and the interest of direct co-warriors. Also in the glorification of violence and struggle, the autonomen have more in common with Jünger, then they would be willing to admit. The wellknown autonome slogan;<i> "freedom is the short moment between throwing the stone and the stone hitting its goal"</i>, is very revealing in this context. Throwing a stone is not a means to overcome the system, but a deed of short-term individual liberation - in the eye of the actual inability to overthrow the ruling order. <br />
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Already in the '80's of the last century, the German social-psychologist Klaus Horn pointed out that in highly developed industrial societies public violence can give the illusion that man becomes active in the world again: it makes sure that the individual from the passive object of relations, becomes the active subject of the events. Horn’s dark prognosis is perfectly illustrated by the American movie 'Fight Club'. Brad Pitt as Tyler Durden states:<i> "We are all consumers, waste products of the general lifestyle obsession." </i>He directs these sentences to a nameless protagonist, played by Edward Norton. Durden’s answer to this desolate insight is a secret society of alienated men, who only feel alive when they hurt each other during ruthless fights in the basement of a bar. During the film this Fight Club develops into a disciplined and organized army, that attacks the public order - alienated persons in a state of war, who until the last second of salvation resiliently fulfill their roles as rebel. <br />
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In this current pacifist and conformist society, the hedonist self-fulfillment through violence is once more elevated to the highest ideal. Jünger teaches us that in this sinking ship of globalism, pacifism will disappear. Jünger argues that passion, the irrational and instinctive force, will prove inexhaustible, even if it is occasional. His presentation of the struggle as the most intense and highest form of existence , will set us free from the oppressing chains of the established order!<br />
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<br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-22400054093639540712016-10-16T15:24:00.002-07:002016-10-16T15:24:56.980-07:004th National Manifestation in Brussels: Two years of struggle against the Michel-government - Two years of combative illusionsIt appeared official last Thursday: The social protest against the reactionary government-Michel I and its very worker-hostile austerity policies came to a dead end, because of the three big Belgian Unions.<br />
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“In 2014 the Union leaders made a mistake. They had to strike away the government. Though, because they did not let the government fall, they gave this weak and divided government a chance to increase the austerity policy”, the Linkse Socialist rightly wrote in a pamphlet to mobilize for the great manifestation of this day. However, they made the mistake to suggest that the Union leadership only made a mistake in tactics in regard to the struggle against the government, instead of making the masses aware of the fact that this was the deliberate aim of the Union leadership! The Union leadership wanted to canalize the anger of their organized basis through harmless protests and by letting it bleed to death. We can only come to the conclusion this has worked.<br />
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<i>Dockers against the Michel-government</i></div>
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Once again the Pseudo-Left in Belgium has let themselves be fooled by the 'radical' language of the Union bosses: Marc Goblet (“far left” within the FGTB) called for the fall of the government by a general strike before the end of this year. Date of strike: 7 October.</div>
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However, in the De Standaard of the 22th of September we could already read that “the three big Unions had “canceled” their, for the 7th of October, planned strike” Only the ACV-Metal called for a strike anyway (in metal and textile - good for 200.000 workers). Other Unions would follow in other sectors with actions, but a general strike stayed off. Marc Leeman (ACV-boss) was confused by this: “What signal are we giving? We do not strike and we do strike. It is not very clear.” The CEO of the Federation of Belgian Enterprises, Pieter Timmermans, had not much hope left for a return to an “easier social climate” after the news of a general strike, but it is clear he can feel safe again.</div>
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<i>Workers filled the streets as far as one could see</i></div>
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The De Tijd (29 September) wrote on the morning of the manifestation that “one of the many proposals, one by the N-VA, would be a second index jump”. “Nonetheless it would not apply to everybody, only for pensions and unemployment benefits...” The day after the Het Laatste Nieuws continued that the N-VA once again wanted to get rid of “the fiscal deduction of the Union membership fee and wanted to correctly tax the Union premium tax.” (The Union premium tax is a certain amount of money that the employer pays for his employees which are syndicalized) This open and provoking Union-bashing by the N-VA/MR-government will probably not flare up the protests against the government again.</div>
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In regard to the manifestation itself we must come to the conclusion that this time there was no opportunity for militant participants to get into a direct fight with Michel's police core on the Zuidlaan. Apparently the Union bureaucracy had gotten their orders from Jambon, by hermetically sealing of the Zuidlaan with barriers manned by the internal Union stewards, who acted as the “auxiliaries” of the cops. Because of this, the masses were not able to hang around at the end of the manifestation with a lack of speechers and music. The set-up of the cops and the Union bureaucracy was very successful: the most part of the militants went to the station to return straight home.</div>
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<i>Pyrotechnics lightened at the barricaded Zuidstation</i></div>
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No, any form of militant protest or independent organization of the worker itself was once again stopped by the Union bosses. (Still some libertarian communists gave the headquarters of the PS and the office of B-post a nice 'makeover') Once again the Union bureaucracy had to let down the reformist left; it simply does what has been its function since 1914.<b> Namely: Making sure that the capitalist production process keeps on functioning well. Keeping the class peace (between capital and wage labor) intact!</b></div>
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<i>The PS office got a 'make over'</i></div>
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<br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-81332309307994039252016-05-26T16:45:00.003-07:002016-05-26T16:47:09.989-07:00Unions protest in Brussels - Firm confrontation with the Cops<br />
<span lang="">Last Tuesday the 24th of May the Belgian workers movement (the "socialist" ABVV/FGTB, the christian ACV and the liberal ACLVB) organized a national manifestation in Brussels. Around 60.000 people gathered to protest against the austerity policy and reforms of the Michel-government. Special target of the manifestation was the Minister of Work, Kris Peeters, who wants to flexibilise the 38-hour working week (the so-called 'Loi Peeters', borrowed from the French 'Loi Travail/El-Khomri' and the very militant resistance against it). </span><br />
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A delegation of the ACN/AKN traveled to Brussels to join in on this protest. Not to join the usual circus of the union-bureaucracy, but to support the independent struggle of the workers. Although the whole demonstration was mostly orchestrated by the system-unions, the massive presence of disgruntled workers and activists proved the Belgium workers movement is alive and still has the potential to become a revolutionary force of interest. As long as they liberate themselves from the yoke of the reformist union- and party bosses! <br />
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<em>Thousands protestors fill the streets of Antwerp</em></div>
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</span><span style="font-size: small;">The demonstration started with the usual walk through the city center towards the South station. Fireworks were, as is the tradition, ignited and along the way the RVA (employment service) and PS ("socialist" party) offices were besmirched with paint bombs. Notable was the absence of the dockers of Antwerp during this protest. Did they deliberately avoid this manifestation, because the unions helped to abolish the law Major? A combatant and excited atmosphere prevailed among the many protesters. The unions themselves had employed over a thousand security people to keep the manifestation under control.<br />
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<em>KVA Office hit by paintbombs and smeared with graffiti</em></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">Arriving at the South station the protest turned grim in no time after the cops, under the threat of bat beatings and 6 (!) water canons, tried to push back the flocking crowd. A motley collection of workers, anarchists and local youth gave a proper response to this police provocation, by setting up an improvised blockade with several crush barriers. The coppers were treated with a rain of stones, pyrotechnics and bottles. During the short confrontation that followed, the police chief of Brussels, Pierre Vandermissen, was knocked down by a militant (there seems to be a trend throughout Europe, where militants deliberately target higher police cadres (-> targeted actions), such as in London in Nov. 2015, in Paris and in Nantes). In the fights that followed the cops were able to arrest several comrades.<br />
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<em>Cops try to drive back protestors under the threat of bats and watercanons</em></div>
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<em>Preparations for first charge</em></div>
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<em>'Hero of the day' - Chief of Police goes K.O.</em></div>
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<span style="font-size: small;">With the help of water canons the militants were pushed back under the bridges of the train tracks. Because of a lack of force and cover of the masses (most protesters went straight to the train station, once arrived at the endpoint - set-up of the unions?), this quickly turned into a stand off with the cops, where the stone throwing was from time to time answered by one of the water canons. The resurrection of some barricades proved useless, and more cops closed in on the protesters from three different sides, only leaving open a small gateway to the train station. After this it quickly came to a climax, where most protesters left towards the station.</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;">Three cops were wounded during the confrontation. Eight protesters were injured by the police violence and another fifteen were arrested. The bourgeois press did what was expected of them, and used this confrontation caused by the cops to criminalize the entire manifestation. Instead of condemning the police violence, the reformists of the union bureaucracy were the first to put the blame on 'the anarchists'. It is clear that for these reformists the class struggle may only be waged within the boundaries that the capitalist order imposes!<br />
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Although this national manifestation was less massive and/or militant than its predecessors, all the signals for a hot summer are there. The coming months several actions, strikes and protests will be held against the scandalous austerity politics and reforms of the Michel-government. We will follow these events closely. <br />
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<strong>STOP THE AUSTERITY-POLITICS!</strong><br />
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<strong>AWAY WITH THE BOURGEOIS MICHEL-GOVERNMENT!</strong><br />
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<strong>BRING 'FRANCE' TO THE REST OF EUROPE!</strong></div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-76101016555079876042016-05-18T14:58:00.005-07:002016-05-18T14:58:57.689-07:00Refugee crisis? System crisis! - Plea for an entrism in the anti-Refugee Resistance<br />
<i>As national-revolutionaries we strive first and foremost for national and social liberation, by means of a revolution. Only in a situation of a severe systemcrisis this revolution could really succeed. </i><br />
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<i>Untill this time we need to use all current contradictions within the system and each form of discontent, in order to build revolutionary cadres and to realize a grounding in the masses.</i><br />
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<i>Where there is discontent and unrest, there must be national-revolutionaries to stimulate and exploit this. By doing so we must not put forth our national-revolutionary message, but the concrete discontent, which on a longer term will turn into rebellion. </i><br />
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<i>Therefore we must reach towards the masses, because only through their participation we can overthrow the vested capitalist system. </i><br />
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<i>To do so national-revolutionaries must organize themselves within civilprotests and demonstrations, to transform these into happenings of rebellion and uprising!</i><br />
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<i>An important instrument is it to -if needed undercover - infiltrate local civil initiatives and protests, in order to get into key-positions. Cultivate friendships, relations and built out a radical basis (with for instance local youth, footbal supporters, etc.). </i><br />
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<i>By our presence within civilprotests, demonstrations and other activities we can introduce a dimension of serious resistance within an otherwise timid and directionless movement, so as to convert the indecision and reluctance of the masses into direct action! </i><br />
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<i>The State, the cops and local politics study and anticipate constantly on the developments surrounding the protestactions against mass immigration. More often the cops fall back on repression as preventive measures to avoid civil disobedience. It is important to respond to this and to always be one step ahead. </i><br />
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<i>Therefore it is absolutely necessary that we keep on improving our tactics and capacities. This is a constant process of selfreflection. Plan your actions well and work out specific goals. After each and every action gather, to see what has been accomplished in regard to these goals and seek for improvements. Learn from your mistakes and be creative! </i><br />
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<i>The more effective our movements will become, the more repression from the State we can expect. Be discrete with information, the cops might always be listening and work on a 'need-to-know' basis within your group. Mix your unobtrusively and anonymously in the protests. All information that leaks out in regard to our activities, is a step ahead for our enemies! </i><br />
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<i>At this moment the asylum debate is dominated by reactionary rightwing forces, who try to canalize the popular anger into a direction which is desirable for the system. Reactionary parties and movements - like the PVV and Pegida - have made the islamophobic NATO retorics of the 'War on terror' their own and embraced zionism. They don't want to overthrow the system, they want to perpetuate it!</i><br />
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<i>Their reactionary agenda is opposed to that of ours. Co-operation with them is therefore no option and we can not tolerate these reactionaries in our own ranks. We need to refute their lies through persistent work on the streets, in the neighborhoods and communities. From here on we have to neutralize the zionist poison and anchor ourselves in the masses as the only revolutionary alternative for this thoroughly rotten system!</i><br />
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<b><i>Against State and Capital! - Forward to the National and Socialist Revolution!</i></b></div>
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As a consequense of the massive flows of refugees who come from the Middle East and Africa, the EU expects millions of new immigrants for the coming years . This mass immigration and the alienation of the European nations and its cultural areas, serve the ruling class on several levels. </div>
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In first instance the employment potential of the Third World is delivered straight at the front door of the big capitalist corporations. The wagecosts for the capitalists will be decreased because of a saturation of the labourmarket and this way the workers are forced to work for a pittance. Therefore it does not suprise us that employers-organisations across Europe are currently calling in unison that foreigners must be put to work as soon as possible. However, after years of economic crisis with mass unemployment as its consequence, this will only deteriorate the ethnic relations. </div>
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On the long term this mass immigration serves another goal for the ruling class. The massive influx of huge groups of foreigners, will lead to an insuperable cultural, social and urban disintegration, that will break open the achievements of the bourgeois democracy. By means of the current asylum policy the ruling class makes the European peoples and cultures cooperate in their own destruction.</div>
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Throughout Europe we can see an increasing resistance from the basis against mass immigration as a result of this. The opressed masses - the big losers of globalisation - are evermore resisting against the arrival of hordes of aliens who steal 'their' jobs and social security. Reactionary demagogues like Geert Wilders are fanning the fire for their own electoral gain, however their national chauvinism does not provide a solution. They only combat the symptoms, but refuse to denominate the cause - namely capitalism. </div>
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We cannot blame foreigners for trying to find a better live elsewhere, they too are disappointed. They only serve as scapegoats to conceal the problems the capitalist class has created. In their search for the Golden Calf, they have become willing instruments for the ruling class. The welfare of the indigenous people, nor that of foreigners from far places, are of no concern to the internationally organized capital. Their social needs are just instrumentalized by the capitalists, in order to enrich themselves over the backs of the working masses. </div>
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However, the 'anti-refugee resistance' represents much more than a reactionary chauvinism or an expression of 'xenophobia'. It is the expression of a more general discontent about the capitalist system and its symptoms (of which mass immigration is one). It represents a great deal of the justified worries that live amongst vast parts of the population. More important, this anger and discontent is not only aimed at these foreigners, but also against the authorities, the State apparatus and its armed extension (the cops). </div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjcZxx0uMcblR52qWppAn2vO1Uw5uNNn6Bs1SrcmsKdFjyLmjKpmllaTIsVfbidQ9xocP2LbsAeIpF6UCTuSk5N5f9Suk8QdJ3yCgSpjgMDidnvpLNFAsx50NP79KVLrbSF8hfp08NkJa0/s1600/Volksverzet_3.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="265" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjcZxx0uMcblR52qWppAn2vO1Uw5uNNn6Bs1SrcmsKdFjyLmjKpmllaTIsVfbidQ9xocP2LbsAeIpF6UCTuSk5N5f9Suk8QdJ3yCgSpjgMDidnvpLNFAsx50NP79KVLrbSF8hfp08NkJa0/s400/Volksverzet_3.JPG" width="400" /></a></div>
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These ever further increasing tensions within society as a result of a radicalizing resistance against the policy of the ruling class, does have a revolutionary potential. A popular uprising against the capitalist system can destabilize and weaken this system. However, our support for this tendency does not come without critizism. Our tasks is to resist all reactionary elements within this tendency to create an awareness amongst our fellow countrymen. The foreigner is not our enemy, the capitalist system is! </div>
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A revolutionary consciousness rarely occurs spontaneously. Even popular movements with an initial reactionary nature may constitute a first step towards a revolutionary political organization. We can try to proclaim the revolutionary truth from our ivory towers, but let us rather go onto the streets and move amongst the masses. Our task as revolutionaries is to consciously participate in these processes and to therefore lift it on both a political as well as an organizational level. </div>
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We do not have the illusion that this movement can be entirely undone of its reactionary elements, but firmly believe that these events may contribute to a political upheaval that offers us revolutionary perspectives. Here lies an important task for us: The building of a revolutionary organization and the development of revolutionary cadres within this popular resistance.</div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-62079518244514637912016-05-04T16:57:00.001-07:002016-05-04T16:57:11.752-07:00Stop TTIP? Yes, we could have...<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<b>How a potential day of action ended in nothing</b></div>
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<b>On Saturday the 23rd of April over 50.000 activists gathered in all enthousiasm in a united mass demonstration to give a strong signal against the meeting of President Obama and Chancellor Merkel to promote the talks about the TTIP-Treaty. The ACN/AKN called earlier this week to join this day of action, to give a militant signal against this Treaty. Therefore a delegation travelled to Hannover. </b> </div>
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At the Opernplatz - the startpoint of the demonstration - the massive scale of the organisation rose directly to our attention. On a big stage, with project screens to follow the speakers live from further away, a good soundsystem and all kind of infostands from all kind of political parties and organisations. Next to the parliamentary parties such as Die Linke, SPD, Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, there were also many activists from parties and organisations, such as the reformist workerparties DKP, the MLPD and its youth movement REBELL, the Arbeiterbund für den wiederafbau der KPD, the SADJ and the Turkish DIDF, the pascifist anarchistische Graswurzelrevolution, Ökologische Linke and many more present, who eagerly distributed their papers, pamflets and other propaganda material to the many thousands of demonstratorsd that kept coming. Next to these activists there were also many bourgeois activists from ATTAC, anti-nuclear energy and other enviromental organisations like Greenpeace and anti-fracking organisations aswell as anti-drone and sigital provacy activists. Also teh Unionjs were present like Ver.Di and the IG Bauen-Agrar-Umwelt/Bergbau-Chemie-Energie/Metall.<br />
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Ofcourse we can give a long report on all the banners and protestsigns that were carries, or giva a substenciated critizism on the speeches of the many (petit-bourgeois) speakers and talk about the demonstration route, but this was not why the ACN/AKN participated this day. <br />
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Despite the huge numbers of protestors and their messages not a single real blow was made towards Obama, Merkel and their TTIP plans. Expected militant actions - like with Blockupy in 2015 - did not take place. How is this possible? Maybe because the demonstration was held one day in advance of the meeting between Obama and Merkel, which held militants away to give them a message (both were in london and Turkey this day and thus would not directly be confronted with militant resistance)? On sunday a smaller demonstration was organized in the city, but this would not top the attendance of saturday. But a Black Block is useless if it is not supprted by the masses (like the 50.000 on a saturday). Was this all a set up? The cops seemed perfectly happy this saturday and did not seem to expect any serious threat what so ever. This protest - not matter how good and important its theme was - could not beat dent in a pack of butter, even if there were 2 million people present.<br />
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Next this msised chance from the militant 'left' to make its statement today, the absence of 'rightist'militants also a sad given. Why national-revolutionary activists did nothing with this day of action against TTIP beats us. Such a Free Trade Treaty - which breaks down social rights and the enviroment on a huge scale - seems to be a perfect theme to agitate against - especially a Trade Treaty with America. Sadly the nationalist scene remained stuck this day in very sectarian commemorations, instead of using these protests (thus among the masses) to break free from the political ghetto. Even with a separate day of action within own movement nothing was done. <br />
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Hopefully better chances occur in the near future against the TTIP, where militants from both the 'left' and 'right' of the political spectre can make combatant use of.<br />
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<b><i>- Some anticapitalist / anti-TTIP demonstrators</i></b><br />
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<i><b>Left:</b> Greenpeace activists give a clear signal against Obama, Merkel and their TTIP-Treaty on the Union building of the DGB. <b>Right:</b> Does TTIP really bring hope? The propaganda of the metal lobby looks like it can only exist with the help of the police State. </i></div>
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<i><b>Left:</b> Still a relevant slogan >> Who have betrayed us? The socialdemocrats! <<< CDU/CSU, SPD! >>><b> Right: </b>International solidarity was not an empty word here.</i></div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-67836083260330447902016-05-04T16:32:00.003-07:002016-05-04T16:32:30.540-07:001st of May Plauen: Militant action during the 'Arbeiterkampftag'<b><br /></b>
<b>Under the slogan >> Destroy capitalism! For a German socialism! << a delegation of the ACN/AKN travelled to the East-German city of Plauen, to participate in the struggle of the autonomous national and socialist movement during this laborday. Over a thousand comrades attended this demonstration organized by the political party 'Der III. Weg'. </b><br />
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<b>The autonomous 'Antikapitalistisches Kollektiv' called for the formation of a Black Bloc on this demonstration. This Black Bloc had a strong anticapitalist character, emphasized by the many slogans on banners and flags. The East-German comrades certainly emphasized the social aspects of national socialism. And this Bloc did exactly what it was supposed to do, when a confrontation with the cops emerged! </b><br />
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At first it seemed to become a peacefull protest, like so many other demonstrations in the BRD. An obedient walk under the supervision of a massive amount of riot police. However, during the demonstration a comrade was hit by a flying object, possibly thrown by a counter-protestor, which severely injured him. Remarkable was the fact that only a handfull of comrades stayed behind to provide support, during which the first aid of the organisation did an excellent job. About one hundred meters further the other protestors were stopped by the cops. A striking detail is that it took about 20 minutes until the police forces called for medical care.</div>
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This incident was directly used by the cops to block the demonstration. As a reaction the Black Bloc tried to force a militant but unexpected break through against the riot police. A good and direct reaction against the cops. However, a point of criticism is that this decision was made without feedback, which led to some comrades being stunned. With a shower of pepperspray and tofa strikes, the cops managed to stop this break through and drove it back with the support of a watercanon. </div>
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The willingness to actions and amount of preparations was remarkable. Some comrades were well prepared for the streetfight (handshoes, ski- and sunglasses, disguise) and were able to keep the cops away through good reactions to their tactics. This was strengthened by the use of flagposts, protest- and traffic-signs, garbage containers and anything else present. This however still couldn't prevent the cops from dispersing the Black Bloc. This led to a surrounding by the riot police, who by now had called for heavy materials. </div>
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Der III. Weg-bosses forced a 'spontanious demonstration' in consultation with the cops. In fact this was not much more than a walk under strict police control back to the trainstation Oberer Platz, where the demonstration was dismantled after a long wait. </div>
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Some lessons can be learned from these events: </div>
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<i>- Our own first aid was able to help the wounded before the spontanious actions, but as soon as more people amongst the demonstrators became injured because of the cops, they were unable to keep up because of undercapacity. Other demonstrators were only able to give very limited help through improvisation with bottles of drinking water. Active and efficient help was slow because of a lack of medical knowledge. </i></div>
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<i>- The 'Bloc-experience' of many comrades was insufficient. For instance; some tactics were not properly understood or incorrectly applied because of limited knowledge and/or miscommunication. We are talking about strategies such as hooking in, the formation of a protective mass for fighting comnrades in the front lines, etc. Eventually mass hysteria took over and the fight was left to a handfull of militants. Because of this we can conclude that the militant actions in the long run took a defensive attitude, because the Bloc was not able to strikingly and massively break out. This certainly is something to analyse for the different affinity groups which were present on this demonstration. </i></div>
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Remarkably no arrests were made this day (at least as far as we know). The phonenumber for help for the detainies seemed unnecessary, but nonetheless a very good organizational part of the demonstration. Despite some small points of constructive criticism, this certainly was a very combative demonstration. </div>
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<b>Hopefully this is a prelude to a more militant and more organized autonomous resistance against the system and the cops in the BRD! </b></div>
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<b>>>WIDERSTAND LÄSST SICH NICHT VERBIETEN!<< </b></div>
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<b>>>AUTONOM, MILITANT, NATIONALER WIDERSTAND<<</b></div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-85838126341318631602016-04-20T19:38:00.003-07:002016-04-20T19:38:41.698-07:0023-04 Yes we can, Stop the TTIP! in Hannover (DE)This weekend the US President Barack Obama will visit Hannover to negotiate with the German Chancellor Angela Merkel about the 'Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership' (TTIP) between the EU and US. With this TTIP treaty multinational corporations will impose their will as law and it will provide the capitalist monopolies with an unprecedented power. <br />
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This treaty is the newest instrument of the capitalist monopolies to get rid of any obstacle in the way of their everlasting search for maximisation of profits. It is a direct attack by the multinational corporations on the European and American communities and a mean to take away any restrictions on their activities.<br />
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The biggest losers of the TTIP will be the working masses. Social- and worker-rights, public health, environmental and food security regulations will be abolished, profits will be privatized while losses are collectivized. The situation for the workers will worsen even more under the influence of this new treaty. Therefore the TTIP must be seen as an unprecedented expansion of the policy of the capitalist monopolies, which completely violates the most basic interests and needs of the working class.<br />
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Therefore we call upon the working masses to resist against this treaty, as a part of our general struggle against the EU imperialists, the capitalist monopolies and their power. The struggle against the TTIP treaty is inseparable bound to the fight against the capitalist system in its totality, with its endless exploitation and oppression. <br />
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<strong>The ACN/AKN calls upon everybody to come Saturday the 23rd of April to bring the class struggle onto the streets of Hannover!</strong></div>
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TTIP STOPPEN!</div>
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KAPITALISMUS ZERSCHLAGEN!</div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-26605620260777079502016-04-20T06:34:00.004-07:002016-04-20T06:34:51.430-07:00France: Mass protests against the 'Loi du Travail'<div style="text-align: center;">
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<b>Away with the 'War on Terror" and Police-State measures!</b></div>
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On the 31st of March around 1 million people went onto the streets of many cities throughout France to protest against the concept text of the 'loi du travail', a law aimed against the organized labor movement. This law is better known under the name 'loi-el-Khomri', named after the Minister of Labor; miss Myrian El Komri. This actionday was characterized mostly by a number of strikes in the transportsector; among others at the railroads and Air France, as well as the public sector. There is a deeply rooted and widespread anger amongst the working masses against the continued attacks of the government aimed at the destruction of all social achievements, which have been realized after years of hard struggle by the labor movement.<br />
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Vast numbers of students and college scholars took part in these protest (like they did before, during other mass rallies) that in some cities were twice as big as on the first day of action (the 9th of march). All over the country the forces of 'law and (dis)order' used teargas, watercannons, horses and - mostly - brute violence against the youths. In Marseille and elsewhere the cops attacked youths, who did not immediately spread out after the protest was ended; the clouds of teargas were so dense that people situated on nearby café-terrasses had to flee. In Lyon protesting students were attacked by fascists, who were covered by CRS-cops. In Rouen a considerable number of transport workers, supported by other workers, supported the students when they were attacked by the cops with teargas. The intervention forced the cops to retreat. <br />
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The controversial bill is the most recent in a series of hard anti-Union laws, that were forced through by the Socialist Party (Parti Socialiste). The government Vals/Hollande acts with an unprecedented ruthlessness in order to repress any form of resistance from the working class. In Januari of this year, eight CGT-militants were arrested because of their role in a militant resistance against the closure of the Goodyear factory in Amiens. They were convicted to nine months in prison. Five workers of Air France are confronted with sentences of three years, after two Air France bosses literaly were stripped of their clothing during a militant strikers protest in Octobre last year.<br />
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The attacks on the organized labor movement must be seen in the context of the 'state of emergency' (l ‘état d’urgence), that the PS-government declared last November after the terrorist attacks in Paris, and which has been extended to half May. Since then the cops performed thousands of searches (without a court order), mainly in areas where mostly muslims live. Hundreds of people got a house arrest, among them many activists from the autonomous scene who had called for a protest at the Climate Top in Paris (last year December). Grandscale searchoperations allow the cops to save all telephone calls. <br />
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V<b>alls, Hollande: Hands of the organized labor movement!</b></div>
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<b>Away with the El Khomri-law!</b></div>
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<b>We demand the immediate withdrawal of all charges against the workers militants of Goodyear and Air France as well as against all arrested protestors of the last weeks!</b></div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-40534549012797934722016-02-27T14:40:00.004-08:002016-02-29T08:03:41.032-08:00Independent Protest of Dockers in the Ports of Antwerp (22-02)The manifestation against the syndical leadership of the three biggest Port Unions in Antwerp announced by the independent committee Dockers Fight Back ("We are just a group of dockworkers, not connected to any Political Party or Union"), was perhaps not such a great success in terms of size and form, but nonetheless a modest success for the Dockers of Antwerp in their struggle against the reforms of the law Major. <br />
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"We find that the Port Unions do not inform us very well while they sit in their ivory towers (...) Feel free to call this manifestation a wake-up call", states Filip Verbeek, a spokesman of this action. It is notable that the PVDA+ and the 'socialist' Union ABVV/BTB-Ports distanced themselves emphatically from this action and were very nervous to see whether or not this action would be a success for the Dockers. So the Union bosses were very happy to see that the number of Dockers was very low. <br />
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When about 50 exultant Dockers armed with a flag and several banners walked from the local recruitment hall 'T Kot towards the office of the liberal Union ACLVB in the Londenstreet, this Union was still prepared to talk with the protestors. However, across the street the ABVV-Port office for unemployment remained closed for the whole day (in this office, Dockers without work can register themselves for an unemployment allowance). </div>
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After the talk with the ACLVB-bosses the group followed by quite a huge group of cops and press, left towards the office of the Christian Union ACV. Along this route some pyrotechnics exploded. During the talks with the ACV-bosses "the well-known Union agent" Patrick Delrue shortly assed the situation with the Dockers (Patrick is known as the trust person of police and Union bosses during the national manifestation of the 7th of October last year - informant for the cops about rioting Dockers!). He took some photos with his smartphone, talked a bit and once the crowd moved towards the last stop, the ABVV Port office, he took an accelerated route towards the office. What did he do? Did he give a report to the Union bosses, maybe handing over the names of the participating men? Who knows? The longest conversations between the Dockers and the syndicates took place at this end point on the Paardenmarkt and the highlight of the manifestation, which by then was ended. </div>
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Major Bart DeWever spared no expense to show his muscles, while he deployed a huge size of the Antwerp Police Core (one water cannon, a debris reamer, many arrest vehicles, mobile control chambers and much more). This is certainly a sign that (luckily) our 'friend' De Wever fears an eventual escalation. </div>
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And why the number of protestors was so low? Maybe because of the pressure from the syndicates on the Dockers who sympathized with this action? Or maybe it was the rainy weather? However, we need to keep on following and analyzing these kinds of interesting developments around the Dockers. </div>
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<b>We support these men in their struggle without and against the Union Misleaders!</b><br />
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At the start of July the European Union wants to enforce the new Belgian laws surrounding the pool of dockworkers, of which 1 April the design texts need to be on the desk by the European Commission. This promises to give new and more powerful impulses to the independent Dockers, so that the coming actions will probably have more potency and strength. <br />
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<b>We fully support the demands of the Dockers!</b><br />
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<b>DOCKERS FIGHT BACK!</b><br />
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-89961523539464952212016-02-23T05:17:00.001-08:002016-02-23T05:17:25.362-08:00Steel bosses and Unions for a 'General Interest' - Against Steel dumping<div style="text-align: center;">
<b>Brussels 15-02-2016 – </b></div>
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<b>A CLASSICAL EXAMPLE OF CLASS COLLABORATION</b> </div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3Ji9EfsQh6nWMX9UuSHvWJMzlJA5_o-TkZx1mR_ZRM2uZ8Jo-KmY0QLxz3jxofgTrQZICbp8MMYvd8Vd_bp936cpsndTlXWO-KJ5leaDQnCTG81aNkLsJLWur6mL1iaYKSAmKhUjZHgk/s1600/staaldumping.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh3Ji9EfsQh6nWMX9UuSHvWJMzlJA5_o-TkZx1mR_ZRM2uZ8Jo-KmY0QLxz3jxofgTrQZICbp8MMYvd8Vd_bp936cpsndTlXWO-KJ5leaDQnCTG81aNkLsJLWur6mL1iaYKSAmKhUjZHgk/s400/staaldumping.jpg" width="400" /> </a></div>
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While the huge crisis of capitalism of 2008 is still continuing, the European steel industry now also rapidly has a curious crisis of its own - the flooding of the European markets because of the overproduction of (cheap) steel from China, with the disappearance of the British steel industry as a consequence - this on top of the earlier disappearances of the British ship-building and mine closures last year. Since last Christmas 1 on 6 British steelworkers (6000 workers) lost their jobs, while in the rest of Europe massive layoffs have become daily practice. Steel corporations such as ArcelorMittal and Tata Steel (also those in Ijmuiden); see their numbers fall into the red by the billions, which makes their position in the market very vulnerable. Businesses like ThyssenKrupp and Salzgitter AG in Germany experience the same effects of these Chinese dumpings. Steelworkers and bosses have a lot of concerns about their jobs. However, these concerns lead to a very awkward manifestation in Brussels. <br /><br />"If China is not stopped, I will lose my job, just like thousands of others in the sector." These could have been the words of a concerned steelworker, but it was the former CEO Geert van Poelvoorde of ArcelorMittal Gent speaking, also President of the Steel association; Eurofer. A crowd of 5000 protestors, mostly workers and patrons that protested hand in hand against the 'unjust' competition from China, together with other concerned workers and managers from other sectors, such as the Chemical industry. A very unusual phenomenon which absolutely needs to be condemned and fought!<br /><br />The Belgian syndicates did not organize this protest, nor even called for such an action, it was all the work of employers' organizations (!). Syndicates which mobilize workers for the interests of patrons - thus for the national interest of capitalism! This is a form of corporatism in which class conscious workers have nothing to gain. Let's not let the national interest rise above class interest! (In the sphere of class consciousness the Dockers from Antwerp apparently stand on a higher level, shown by their independent protest against the treacherous syndicate leadership concerning the themes Dockers work and the Major-Act.) <br /><br />Class-conscious workers reject this protest because 1) it is not organized by the syndicates or any other workersorganisation, but by the implacable enemies of the workers, the capitalist class. And 2), because since 2008 20% of the jobs - 85.200 - vanished in the steel sector, while it was not until now that the syndicates together with the employees expect action from the European Commission in the form of import duty etc. against the deformed workers' state of China (in which the steel industry is state owned and subsidized and therefore cheaper). <br /><br />Although China still does not have a status as a free market economy (it 'only' satisfies 1 of the 5 criteria) by the neoliberal policy of the European Union, they may still be accepted for the title of "free market policies”, because of the dumping of the overproduction of Chinese steel onto the European markets. However, the 16 running indictments against these dumpings will take too long and the eventual fines are too low, to prevent the Chinese making huge profits. Also too many European corporations have too much interests in China to really bother the Chinese. Factors the EU will certainly take into account. <br /><br />It is not our task to secure the interests of the EU and European capitalists. We won't let ourselves be abused by the capitalist to divide Chinese and European workers, because some country has the advantage in the free market economy. We only choose the side of the proletariat and demand the <b>(RE-) NATIONALISATION OF THE EUROPEAN STEELINDUSTRY</b> under very critical conditions. We are fully aware about the reformist content and know it will bring us nothing on the long term, because in a capitalist State, nationalized corporations will also fall under capitalist laws. The only solution is the creation of revolutionary situations... This demand only offers a temporary buffer against the assaults on State corporations with support from the State. Just like China is doing.<br /> <br /><b>The ACN/AKN keeps on insisting that in these times of crisis there are NO common interests between the oppressed workers and its capitalist oppressors. Even if there would be some kind of 'international danger', which would endanger the 'common/national interest' (the welfare of the 'national' workers and their national bourgeoisie), than still our primary enemy will remain our own bourgeoisie! </b><br /> </div>
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-84183149704349499912016-02-05T13:52:00.001-08:002016-02-05T13:52:26.205-08:00Practical tips for the Streetfight: CS/CN-Gas<br />
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<i>Self-defense and first aid for wounds caused by the use of teargas</i></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj9suH2rCvs3gg9vytdYKbf6K_zWSM0m4M1IsuUsEzLSs_tcITKcL0E7AVWWL6w6-o5rLIEapk0piKdrZ5TrR_ksgYZiPf-cdJ9cbiWd3RHKO9b0Uw9DOlWPi4zdwPRXtOLQTe_e84fQIE/s1600/CS_3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="252" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj9suH2rCvs3gg9vytdYKbf6K_zWSM0m4M1IsuUsEzLSs_tcITKcL0E7AVWWL6w6-o5rLIEapk0piKdrZ5TrR_ksgYZiPf-cdJ9cbiWd3RHKO9b0Uw9DOlWPi4zdwPRXtOLQTe_e84fQIE/s400/CS_3.jpg" width="400" /> </a></div>
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Chemical mace, vomiting gas, remote repellents, teargas - the shit goes by many names. But only one is really correct: combat gas. This is how military handbooks describe these chemical weapons. In international wars and conflicts the use of CN-(Chlorazetophenon) and CS-(ortho-Chlorbenzylidenmalondinitril) combat gas is prohibited by international law. However, in combat against the own populations they have been used by cops throughout Western Europe for some time now. The concentrations used are much higher than the concentration of cans available on the normal market. <br /><br /><br />Since we get confronted with the use of combat gas during actions many times, activists need to be aware of the following: Several launch pads transfer the gas to a distance of 120 meters into a human crowd: Chemical Mace: 7 meters; Pepper-Fog (combines CN/CS with smoke): 20 meters; the Superbat (looks like a pesticide dispenser) 15 meters; grenades; 40 meters; and as an admixture in water canons: 65 meters. The newest variation: fragmentation grenades which make great jumps and special projectiles with CN/CS that go straight through windows and doors, filling the room behind it with dense smoke. CN as well as CS both work on the skin, the respiratory tract and the mucous membrane of the eyes. Therefore people with diseases to these organs have an extra risk - the slightest dose of combat gas can cause violent reactions, which in extreme cases can even cause death. However, normally the complaints fade away after some time. Easy measures guarantee a good self-defense and a fast first aid; the deterrent effect is successfully neutralized. </div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6hz7LO7Crs4WN1SpaD-oTdg9tZM7c3dt082b2UuZu-3YMpl2sqKG6fISY327sTaZQ9WD3UTypN3kfAB63U7jp6SnxAQLBTIye3Xc3K49-m5Y92eYZ5uUI2KpdTyjguwqLoW5utukFaRw/s1600/CS_1.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="305" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi6hz7LO7Crs4WN1SpaD-oTdg9tZM7c3dt082b2UuZu-3YMpl2sqKG6fISY327sTaZQ9WD3UTypN3kfAB63U7jp6SnxAQLBTIye3Xc3K49-m5Y92eYZ5uUI2KpdTyjguwqLoW5utukFaRw/s400/CS_1.png" width="400" /> </a></div>
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<b>SELF-DEFENSE</b><br /><br />The eyes can best be protected by gas protection goggles that are air tight. Well closed ski glasses are also an option. For those who wear glasses a small glasses with sports brace and shatterproof glass; these glasses are partly used by us already, because they also offer protection against glass splinters during physical contact. Contact lenses can easily shift away (during the washing of the eyes for instance) and CN/CS-gas can concentrated itself under the lens, remaining active for a longer period of time. <br /><br /><br />The airways can be protected with a filter mask. Smaller models, as used in car painting shops, offer full protection. The combination of goggles and mask, the so-called whole mask, make breathing uncomfortable in a short period of time. Mouth/face cloths can be used as well and are usually the most accustomed. These should be woven as dense as possible. Ideally, you can use a triangular cloth from the first aid kit. Wetting this will provide for an incidental closure of the tissue. However, in the long run the water is evaporated by the body heat, the gas particles accumulate and because of this the concentration rises. This can only be retained by exchanging the cloth regularly or rinsing it with lots of water.<br /><br /><br />The vast majority of skin areas can be protected by oil suits, leather clothing and watertight shoes. Leather clothing needs to be sufficiently greased. Make sure that the collar of the jacket closes tightly around the neck, so nothing can seep into the undergarment. The moist and warm CN/CS in contact with the skin causes skin burns over large areas. (See pictures) <br /><br /><br />It is also important to cover your hands with heat repellent material in order to be able to throw back projectiles. Motor- or working gloves (for instance for welding) are perfect for this. Beware: only touch grenades on the non-heated side!<br /><br /><br />We can only advice against protection with the help of crème, lemon juice or vinegar. These so-called 'insider tips' have no use whatsoever or only strengthen the activity of the gas. Crèmes belong in the make-up bag, lemon juice and vinegar in the kitchen. Water is and remains the only means!<br /><br /><br /><b>FIRST AID</b><br /><br />The physical consequences after the use of CN/CS are many-sided and each of the possible consequences asks for fast first aid. The longer the gas is active, the bigger the threat of acute and chronic damage. <br /><br /><br />As with almost all effects of chemicals in the eyes, in this case water is appropriate and in most emergencies the only available means of first aid. Only by constantly rinsing the eyes, the gas can be diluted and leached out. This can take 10 minutes or longer. The decreasing pain is the only possible bellwether to ascertain the success of the treatment. In case the pain re-emerges after some time it is possible that leftovers are still under the eye lids, so you have to rinse the eyes again. In case the pain re-emerges after several hours, it can be an indication of a starting conjunctivitis, which asks for a medical treatment. <br /><br /><br />Rinse from the inside out, so that no rinsing liquid can seep into the other eye. For this the head needs to be held diagonally or backwards in some occasions (sometimes the treatment has to take place with violence, because some persons become panicked or get disorientated after contact with gas) and the skin above and under the eye need to be pushed open. This way you are able to open the cramped eyelids, so the first water can reach the eye. Within several seconds the pain will decrease, more water rinses out the remainder of the gas. <br /><br /><br />With direct hits on the skin or with gas engorged clothing, the clothes need to be removed as soon as possible and washed with a lot of cold water. Warm water is unsuitable, because it opens the pores of the skin and strengthens the function of the gas. Skin irritation and blisters should be medically treated on a later occasion. <br /><br /><br />After contact with gas, it is important to get out of the clothes that are infected with gas and to package it in a vacuum in a plastic bag. If you don’t store them properly the body heat will make sure small amounts of CN/CS gas will damp out of the clothing and especially in closed rooms this will lead to an ever further receiving of the gas in the airways. In a closed space or in vehicles, windows need to be opened! <br /><br /><br />With all forms of difficulty in breathing, pain in the throat when coughing and breathlessness, the first measure is: fresh air! If someone has some kind of chronic disease to the airways, especially asthma or chronic bronchitis, the battleground must be left immediately and to prevent even worse damage lie down with the upper body incremented. <br /><br /><br />A particular feature of the use of CS is the feeling you cannot breathe anymore. Despite this the lungs still get enough air (see recent experiences in Northern Ireland, Switzerland, Bavaria, Berlin and the Netherlands). Another particular feature of the use of CS is strong nausea and stomach cramps. Because of this CSW is also known as vomit gas. Normally the nausea already disappears after a relatively short period of time; usually first aid is no necessity here. However, the precise effects of CS-gas to the stomach muscles are still unknown. Every sign that go further than the ones described above or lasts longer than 24 hours do require medical treatment!<br /><br /><br />These tips for self-defense and first aid are only suitable in order to decrease the working of the gas, decrease the consequences of the gas and to get the group ready for action as soon as possible. However, they do not replace treatment by a doctor in more severe cases!</div>
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<i>US soldier after several hours of exposure to CS-Gas</i></div>
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<br /><br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-64812451068389556552015-11-01T01:13:00.001-08:002015-11-01T01:13:22.703-08:00Report Syndical Manifestation Brussels (BE)It surprised even the ABVV- and ACV-syndical bureaucracy: On Wednesday the 7th of October around 100.000 syndical-militants took part in a long prepared national manifestation in Brussels, against the worker-hostile austerity politics of the reactionary government-Michel. <br /><br />At first around 70.000 men were expected. Apparently the syndical-bureaucracy thought the enthusiasm of November last year could not be surpassed (also because of the lax mobilization from the side of the syndicates, in particular in the corporations). The protest was aimed against the VAT-increase (from 6 to 21%!), against the freezing of inflation for wages, against raising the retirement age, to stop the degradation of the social care system, against energy without indexation and, the most important issue at the lack of a tax shift - a higher taxing for the rich. Worth mentioning: Through separate pamphlets the syndicates specifically pointed out to the dockers in the ports, that the manifestation would especially be against the austerity policies of the government and not against the impending abolition of the Major-law (which stipulates that dock work should be performed by licensed dockers), the most profound docker-theme. In short: No riots as last year. More about this later on. <br /><br />This day was also a crucial one for the syndicates. To put more pressure on the government and the bosses during the social consultation, this first great manifestation had to be a successful one. After all, if this manifestation would be a flop, then the government and bosses would conclude from this that the preparedness for action amongst the masses would have greatly receded, and thus make them not very willing to do any concessions during the 'social consultation' with the syndicate leaders. <br /><br />Also the sustained dent in the joint trade union front between the bosses of the Christian ACV and the socialist FGTB/ABVV the last few months, partly because of personal reasons, didn´t augur well. But despite these obstacles present, the discontent amongst huge parts of the working class in Belgium, in regard to the reactionary government politics, seemed to be so big, that all other disputes were put aside for one moment. <br /><br />To get an impression of this militant mass protest, a report follows from several activists of the ACN/AKN, who participated in the manifestation to get a personal imprint of the potential discontent as well as recent developments within the most militant sectors of the working class. <br /><br />We could describe the usual impression about unionists letting off steam, drinking and banging with pyro-technics through the streets and the syndical bosses with quasi-combative language proclaiming ditto with music, but this is all already known by most activists acquainted with the syndical folklore of our southern neighbors. So we will pass this and immediately skip to the end of the rally on the Zuidlaan. It seems here, on the Zuidlaan, a good tradition is growing, where a colorful mix of unorganized workers, union militants, anarchists and youth from the suburbs, seek the confrontation with the coppers. <br />
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<i>The youth from the suburbs went ahead in the lines to confront the coppers. </i></div>
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When several youths started to defy and attack the coppers, many workers joined their ranks. As a result the situation very quickly escalated. Especially, when shortly after a group of anarchists joined. At the time it escalated, the thoughtfulness of the coppers in such a situation, was striking. They had learned from last years riots. With the idea that it couldn´t again escalate into such a big battle as last year, the police corps of Brussels (police zone Elsène-Centrum, ± 700 man) was reinforced with the 'federals' (15 platoons), as well as with heavy equipment - next to the five water cannons which were operational this day. <br /><br />This time the syndical-bureaucracy deployed its own security guards - in close co-operation and with support of the coppers. Task: Keeping the action-prepared syndical basis under control. Dockers who actively engaged in the militant street protest (nevertheless many!) where brought to order (also physical) by the syndical vassals and efforts were made to send them back. <i>"Co-operation pays off. The stewards have done an excellent job. The hotheads this time were mostly anarchists"</i> (De Morgen, 8 oct.)<br />
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<i><b>Patrick Delrue</b> called “his” dockers to order. Narked his militant coworkers to the coppers. Delrue was leading as a member of the syndicates’ security guards and as a self-proclaimed “deputy sheriff”.</i></div>
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The last was not fully the case. In the forefront many proletarians and youth from this class were still engaged in the fighting, supported in the back by anarchists and the remaining masses of the demonstration, who gave these street fighting men security when they had to fall back after charges or when they had to respite from the many teargas attacks. <br /><br />However, after a street fight of about one and a half hour the boulevard was swept clean by the coppers (this time well prepared). The balance on the end of the day: 25 judicial arrests (+ 3 administrative) and eight wounded, including four coppers. </div>
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<i>All of a sudden appearing undercover cops and filming coppers! A display that accurately represented this day. </i></div>
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It’s important to ascertain that the masses this day - one year after the government-Michel took seat - still remain militant. Ditto regarding those who take the lead in militant acts against the state and its armed forces. <br /><br />But despite the great number of participants the bourgeoisie and its fiduciaries (the government-Michel), were of course not impressed. Union-basher Egbert Lachaert (VLD): "Of course this is a signal; we are however not going to change our policy for less than 1% of the working population?" Another infamous union-basher, Zuhal Demir (N-VA) thought, also judging from the allegedly "low" turnout at the rally, that "people see our policy as justified" (!!) Any further comment is unnecessary. <br /><br />Proletarian revolutionaries must take other conclusions from this day. The turn-out seemed to be bigger than expected, despite the (intentional?) moderate mobilization of the unions. This means that there appears to be a growing political awareness amongst the masses and the working class. <br /><br />Also in regard to the emotional consciousness and the impressive actions of the 'Lumpenproletariat' and 'casseurs', we only have positive appreciations. All these elements have a great potential to grow in the nearby future, if they are framed into a consistent struggle against the control of the reformed trade union bureaucracy and its "union police" (= the stewards) in the factories and on the streets. The syndical bureaucracy is a stand-in-the-way for the independent movement of the working class in the - ultimately political- mass struggle; only an organized opposition against the union bosses and independent agitation in companies without and against the reformist syndical-bureaucracy, can transform a manifestation like this into an outlet for the discontent and anger amongst workers and the syndical action basis into a truly political mass-struggle - against the government and the bosses. Here lies the duty for us as revolutionaries! <br /><br /><b> </b></div>
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<b>DON´T LET THE GOVERMENT-MICHEL GET INTO ITS SECOND YEAR</b><br /><br /><b>FOR THE UNITY OF THE WORKING CLASS ON REVOLUTIONARY FOUNDATION - CLASS AGAINST CLASS!</b><br /><b> </b></div>
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<br /><br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-25538086190882516542015-10-14T09:26:00.002-07:002015-10-14T09:26:29.310-07:00The bankruptcy of the Left and the growth of Front National <b>Recently the French President Hollande (Parti Socialiste) compared the Front National (under the leadership of Miss Le Pen) with the former Communist Party of France* (PCF). This was meant to embarrass his competitor on the "left", the Front du Gauche (a coalition/alliance of several leftwing parties, among them the PCF). This Party also tries to win the truly left and old-communist voters and tries to withhold them to vote for the PS. <br /><br />For once Hollande hit the nail on the head! And how much did Miss Le Pen welcome this comparison! </b><br />
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Yes, the new political course of the FN is almost an exact copy of the PCF of the '70's and '80's. Therefore that a large part of the electorate in Northern France, the old-communist voters in the rundown industrial cities - the big losers of the globalization - vote for the FN. Its economic program is one of economic protectionism**, something the PCF in those days also pursued. (As well as the opposition against homosexuality, which the PCF saw as a negative aspect of capitalism). <br /><br />The FN and PCF also share their position in regard to the immigration question. In the '80's the PCF came to the conclusion that there was no place in France for the many immigrants, because the country already had 2 million native unemployed. It was the PCF-major of Vitry-sur-Seine in Paris, who personally got behind the wheel of a bulldozer to wreck down an asylum Centre for Malians. Under the leadership of the major from the "Red Banlieues" the PCF demonstrated in front of the house of a Moroccan family which was involved in drugs trade and demanded their departure. They also send an open letter to the Great Mosque in Paris to denote the problems associated with the multicultural society. <br /><br />There are also parallels with the new anti-globalist and anti-American course of the FN, to great umbrage of the old Le Pen (who, on an economic level, was a huge proponent of liberalism, this in contradiction to his daughter Marine, who is a convinced adversary of neo-liberalism and the reactionary austerity politics). He and his granddaughter (Marion, a niece of Miss Le Pen) rule in the more conservative South of France, with more rightwing and economic liberal politics. <br /><br />President Hollande rightly fears that the political vacuum he leaves behind in France will be filled up by a competitor. A competitor who masters the leftist language more than he or anybody else does. However, this competitor does not come from the 'left', but this time from the 'right'. <br /><br />So Marine is not only the daughter of Le Pen, but just as well of Georges Marchais.</div>
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<i> * After 1982 the PCF slowly but surely left behind the Marchais-line in favor of a co-operation with the PS and a participation in the Mitterand-government (four and later two minister posts). After Mitterrand´s reactionary turn in 1983 (a turn of 180 degrees from the original common election program), the communist stayed in the government, contributing to the, for the workers, devastating austerity policies of Mitterrand. From this moment on the support of the PCF decreased until the party was put on a sidetrack by Mitterrand. For the many disillusioned PCF-voters of that time the path eventually led them to the FN of Marine Le Pen (usually with the PS as an in between station). <br /><br />** Protectionism = a system in which the trade and industry from a certain country are protected against competitors from other countries: Prohibition on the import of certain products (closing the borders); regulations on import by imposing maximum quantities or by granting licenses; demanding import duties. <br /><br /><br /> </i></div>
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<b> </b><br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-47261074161155750422015-10-07T13:24:00.001-07:002015-10-07T13:24:34.876-07:00Once again Class War in the streets of Brussels<i>A extended actionreport will follow soon... </i><br />
<i>A first impression: </i><br />
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<i> </i>Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-23335312391402957182015-10-04T05:34:00.002-07:002015-10-04T05:34:22.719-07:00About 'Islamic State' and US imperialism <i>The scene currently seems to be in a condition of hopeless confusion: Which position must be taken in regard to the successful advance of the Islamic State (IS) in the Middle-East and its attractive force - especially on youngsters of Islamic origin in the whole of Western-Europe?<br /><br />Where in the Netherlands only some parts of the anarchist movement have tried to analyze this from their own perspective (see Buiten de Orde #1 and #2/2015), the most part of the (reformist) left is satisfied by putting IS aside as 'fascists' in an Islamic form (so-called 'Islamo-fascists': a term first coined by the 'Anti-Germans' in the wake of Bush his 'War on Terror'). With this they uncritically join the camp of the Kurdish nationalists (as a 'beacon of revolution' in the Middle-East). Only in the anarchist scene some critical remarks are made about the 'basisdemocratic' project in Rojava (Western-Kurdistan). <br /><br />However, true revolutionaries clearly take another position in this matter, namely that of military support for IS. A position that demands some further explanation. Why isn't it possible to take a neutral position (a so-called 'third way') or a more pure proletarian position? </i><br />
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The biggest common denominator within the (reformist) left is its aversion against IS, which is seen as horrible, malignant, and yes, even fascist. In such a way even, that a preference is given to the 'democratic' US imperialism. However, in reality even the most gruesome acts of IS fall into nothingness to the crimes of American and other imperialists, both in number, scale, as well as impact. The traces of blood in the current Middle-East are a direct consequence of a century of divide-and-conquer politics, war and a general economic and social backwardness, caused by the imperialist system. IS itself came forth from the destruction which followed after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, as well as from the support the Americans and their allies gave to the reactionary forces, which fought against the ruthless bourgeois-regime of Bashar al-Assad in Syria. <br /><br />As long as IS directly attacks the imperialists and those forces which act as their proxies (including the puppet-regime in Baghdad, the murderous Shia militias, the Kurdish Peshmerga in Northern Iraq and the Syrian-Kurdish bourgeois-nationalists), IS has to be supported entirely in a purely military sense. At the same time a firmly oppositional position must be taken against IS its methods and its worldview in a political sense. The overall starting point of true revolutionaries is that a defeat for US imperialism and its mercenaries (proxies) will prevent the imposing of imperialist models in the region. This can only be in the advantage of the proletariat and the oppressed masses of the Middle-East, including the Kurdish masses. Such a defeat could also give the resistance against US imperialism in the United States itself a new impulse. By now the population of the United States is tired of war and many years of economic crisis, as well as the so-called 'recovery' from which the workers did not benefit. As revolutionaries it is our duty to convert the disillusionment and anger among workers in the imperialist metropolises (the United States in particular) into a full scale class struggle against its own capitalist rulers. Precisely because through such a struggle, the proletariat will be won for the program of socialist revolution, in order to destroy the beast of imperialism from the inside out. Such a perspective starts with the insight that US imperialism is the main enemy of the world-proletariat and the oppressed peoples all over the globe. However, it is exactly this that is rejected by the (reformist) left. In order to substantiate its argumentation, the left has time after time given the Iranian revolution of 1978-1979 or the Second World War as examples, where at that time the proletariat took a more "neutral" position. But this example does not make any sense, as we shall explain further below. <br /> </div>
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<i>US Marines tear down a statue of Saddam Hussain in Iraq (April, 2003) </i></div>
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In the case of Iran (1978-1979) it was about a struggle between competing bourgeois forces - the shah versus the Islamists. Each fought for the control over the country in a situation in which the power issue for the proletariat was immediately on the agenda. It was not a situation in which imperialism fought against one or the other party. The First and the Second World War were wars between the imperialists, aimed at the redistribution of the world among the 'superpowers'. In these wars revolutionaries take a different position: namely that of revolutionary defeatism against all warring parties (except those of Worker- and Peasant-States, such as the former Soviet Union during World War II, which had to be defended unconditionally).<br /><br />And now for the joke of 'Islamo-Fascism'. The reformist left describes IS (just like the Mullahs in Teheran and other Islamic forces such as the Muslim brotherhood) consistently as 'fascists', because according to them they "are the enemies of all socialist movements." However, the same can be said about the bourgeois-nationalists and above all about the imperialists. However they are not marked as 'fascist' by the leftists. In our view IS and other political Islamists are not more or less 'fascist' than all the other reactionary and murderous forces that rule the vast majority of the planet. Indeed: The term 'Islamo-Fascism' was invented as part of the ideological campaign of the 'War on Terror'. It serves as a pretext for leftist liberals to make peace with US imperialism and gives credibility to the 'democratic' varnish of imperialism. By using it as a misguided kind of invective, the left only shows how it is influenced by the 'democratic' pretentions of US imperialism. Even if IS was to represent a fascist power, it would not make a difference to our principled position in regard of the defense of IS against imperialism in a military sense.</div>
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<i>US Torture Prison Guantanamo Bay (Cuba)</i></div>
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And now for our leftist readers: In the prelude of the Second World War in 1938, Trotski had already discussed a hypothetical attack of the 'democratic' British imperialism against Brazil, which was in that time ruled by the fascist Vargas-regime. He said: <br /><br /><i>"In this case I would support 'fascist' Brazil against 'democratic' Great-Britain. Why? Because in this conflict between both, it is not about the question 'democracy or fascism'. If England will be victorious, then another fascist will be placed in Rio de Janeiro and Brazil will be double subjected. On the other side, if Brazil will be the victor, it will mean a great impulse for the national and democratic consciousness of the country and it will lead to the overthrow of the Vargas-dictatorship. At the same time the defeat of England will weaken British imperialism and give an impulse to the revolutionary movement of the British proletariat. One must really be a total ignorant in order to reduce the antagonisms of military conflicts around the world to the struggle between fascism and democracy."</i><br />
<br /><b>('Anti-imperialist struggle is the key to Liberation', 23th of September, 1938) </b> <br /><br />Now to shed some light on the Kurdish question: The (reformist) left implies that somehow the Kurdish forces are very 'progressive'. However, the fighting in Iraq and Syria has led to sectarian massacres by the hands of all the parties involved. At first instance, we as revolutionaries could not take sides in these kinds of (sectarian) conflicts, until the moment US imperialism directly intervened. Despite the fact that IS has many times showed itself barbaric and ruthless, it does not have a monopoly on these things among the fighting parties in the region. One of the reasons IS got so much support from Sunni Arabs in the first place, was because they themselves had encountered the bloodthirstiness of the Shia and Kurdish militias against their communities – such as the Peshmerga, who participated in the US imperialist attack on Fallujah in 2004. Recently there are reports of Arab inhabitants being driven out from Northern Iraq by the Kurdish YPG - an US ally. The (reformist) left then claimed that our politics towards the Kurds would de facto mean that we would be "overseeing things from the sidelines and applauding" while the "IS fascists" are killing the Kurds. That is ofcourse a completely false assumption! We never doubted the right on self-determination for any community whatsoever. However, what we do oppose is the fact that the Kurdish nationalists act as mercenaries ('proxies') for imperialism.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjsTNwIsO2B0bTUB7HliZKOWWFseyrI3Vgaj7LgFOCqPCI5bkBvCfODq_XgUB7NaQ2c5UzhqUSM_4Youq7RePFwn1RZ48-Qk2LeniZVdrHoTW3GMi5YW3x9MlSyJnnVtRno1hH_plVU0nc/s1600/Peshmerga.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="255" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjsTNwIsO2B0bTUB7HliZKOWWFseyrI3Vgaj7LgFOCqPCI5bkBvCfODq_XgUB7NaQ2c5UzhqUSM_4Youq7RePFwn1RZ48-Qk2LeniZVdrHoTW3GMi5YW3x9MlSyJnnVtRno1hH_plVU0nc/s400/Peshmerga.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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<i>Peshmerga conquer Tuz Khurmatu with arms provided by the USA </i></div>
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The left does not challenge the fact that the Kurds fulfill this function; they merely state that they (the Kurds) "don't have any other choice". In reality the Kurdish nationalists have subordinated their justified struggle for the (Kurdish) right on self-determination, to their role as proxies for imperialism. A crime for which the oppressed Kurdish people will pay a high price. By selling their soul to imperialism, as well as to several regional bourgeois-regimes, the Kurdish leaders are very helpful with executing the divide-and-conquer strategies. This will inevitably stoke up sectarian, national and religious tensions and will only serve to strengthen the oppression of the Kurdish masses. As happened so many times before, the assumed Kurdish benefactors have already turned against them. Last month the US imperialists (in exchange for the use of the air force basis Incirlik in Turkey for military operations against IS) gave a green light to the regime in Ankara, to start air raids in Northern-Iraq against an ally of the YPG, namely the 'Workers Party of Kurdistan' (the PKK, which is marked as a 'terrorist organization' by both the US as Turkey). These airstrikes are facilitated with information about PKK bases in Iraq, which is given to Turkey by the US since 2007. The Turkish government also began a campaign of oppression against the domestic opposition, arresting hundreds of Kurds and other activists. </div>
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<i>Turkish Air Force attacks PKK in Syria</i></div>
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<b><br />The peoples of the Middle-East will not know peace, freedom and social progress until the bourgeois-rule in the region is overthrown by means of socialist revolution. However, this demands first and foremost, for the most implacable opposition against imperialism! </b><br /><br /><i> </i></div>
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<i> </i><br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-54657833132601825962015-09-26T13:49:00.004-07:002015-09-26T13:49:47.892-07:00A 'National' Anti-Capitalism?<br />
<i>This document was originally published as a discussion piece to deepen the debate about a 'national' anti-capitalism in the scene. </i><br />
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Recently distributed
agitprop-material from the comrades from Hessen and aimed at (mostly
finance-) capitalism (leading up to the campaign against the ECB)
carries the slogan:<br />
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<b> >>KAMPF DEM KAPITAL GEHT NUR NATIONAL<<</b></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWKZ5BV4ykBSmOQfYpsIebtXdMEhE56CY_XbUl1DFcisBQnCn6VU96ZXTXif2mDC8e5BOVGONBzHVENRT0pTpldGEQ_Jvxbga1d5S1njFne2fin-ZSE-UZQTqmTximUbinkzwDE4AGnAs/s1600/KampfDem_Hessen.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="391" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhWKZ5BV4ykBSmOQfYpsIebtXdMEhE56CY_XbUl1DFcisBQnCn6VU96ZXTXif2mDC8e5BOVGONBzHVENRT0pTpldGEQ_Jvxbga1d5S1njFne2fin-ZSE-UZQTqmTximUbinkzwDE4AGnAs/s400/KampfDem_Hessen.jpg" width="400" /> </a></div>
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But is this truly the case? Can the struggle against capitalism really
only be fought 'national', i.e. within a (limited) national context? At
first instance we can only reject this proposition. Mainly because we
believe that capitalism has long breached this (geographically limited)
'national context' and has become so intertwined with the capitalism of
other countries, that the classic nation-state has become passé.
However, because the struggle for national liberation and the right of
self-determination are essential parts of our worldview, we want to
clarify how the term 'national' relates to 'anti-capitalism'.<br />
<br />
We
have taken note that the comrades of Hessen are oriented on the "left"
within the Nationale Widerstand. Ideologically this brings us to the
anti-capitalist wing of the movement of Gregor Strasser and Dr. Goebbels
during the Kampfzeit. With several quotations from the well-known
pamphlet of Dr. Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi’ (1930), we will try to clarify
our position. The question must be:<br />
<br />
<b> HOW 'NATIONAL' CAN THE MOVEMENT BE IN ITS STRUGGLE AGAINST <br /> (GLOBAL) CAPITALISM?</b><br />
<br />
An answer to this question can be found among others within the
anti-capitalist wing of the German movement of Gregor Strasser and Dr.
Goebbels during the 'Kampfzeit' (1919-1933). On the basis of several
quotations from the well-known pamphlet 'Der NaziSozi' (1930), written
by Dr. Goebbels, we will try to elucidate our position. In this pamphlet
Dr. Goebbels examines the question about the position of the nation in
relation to internationalism. After he clarified that he wanted to
replace the Marxist movement of internationalism by a German socialism,
Dr. Goebbels continues by claiming that the enemy (in this case the
[Jewish] finance-capital) has long nested themselves in all nations of
Europe: "Today there are hardly any national-capitalists in Germany
anymore: "Railways, mines, factories, money, gold, the Reichsbank,
everything is merged into shares and lies in the treasuries of Jewish
banks in London and New York. But shares are worthless, they don't roll
over railways, don't provide coals, don’t produce bread or goods and
make, nor give money. They are only good for interest." (Dr. Goebbels -
‘Der Nazi-Sozi’, facsimile Hanse Buchwerkstatt 2014, p. 58).<br />
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Thereafter
Dr. Goebbels concludes that only a truly revolutionary German state, "a
government of national labor", can undo all of this. Considering Germany
at that time only existed as a Dawes-colony*, there could be no
question of national capital. "All is under the control of international
bankingsyndicats. It is not national capital that moves international,
but international economic hyenas move international together with
national capital" (ditto, p.59). Therefore the "struggle against this
world power" needed to be international, which meant that "all those
movements in those countries", which "struggle in our frontlines",
needed to be supported. However, not the "World republic of Socialism”
had to be the final goal, but the establishment of new national,
socialist states" (ditto, p. 59). So 85 years ago Dr. Goebbels already
had recognized that the struggle against global capitalism could only be
fought by breaching the limited national context, i.e. 'international'.<br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhr41qVqjkEWSDsY75zIrrNCoRm_4Uu-hpy27TpbjYAO7kmvi83Gj1Bf3q3KtLy0LPwGuOsDUvR0K1D2faEnZiVrYMKotEkucws81abPZYGwJv1ZFCiogQmO1axcpRocfVfhd92Kn1xLoU/s1600/Goebbels.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="225" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhr41qVqjkEWSDsY75zIrrNCoRm_4Uu-hpy27TpbjYAO7kmvi83Gj1Bf3q3KtLy0LPwGuOsDUvR0K1D2faEnZiVrYMKotEkucws81abPZYGwJv1ZFCiogQmO1axcpRocfVfhd92Kn1xLoU/s400/Goebbels.jpg" width="400" /></a></div>
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Until today nothing has changed! In 1916 Lenin also
analyzed that the capitalist nation-state was on retreat, because of the
growing unification of the classical (national) industrial-capital on
one hand, and the (international) banking and trading capital on the
other. In this development (the creation of capitalist monopolies) Lenin
saw one of the essential characteristics of imperialism (in his vision
'imperialism' was not just the urge to conquer markets and raw materials
anywhere in the world with any means necessary, but FOREMOST the urge
TO EXPORT CAPITAL TO ECONOMICALLY UNDERDEVELOPED AREAS (Lenin Werke, Bd
23, p. 102-103)). Friedrich Engels already determined in 1847 (!) that
the "grand scale industry", which was created by the world market,
interconnected peoples, especially those from the developed parts, to
such a degree that every people was dependent on what happened to
another people (MEW, Bd 4, p. 374). Therefore he concluded that a (in
his vision communist) revolution (or of any other sort) cannot be
successful, when it is carried out on merely a limited national scale.<br />
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Although our struggle is fought on an international scale,
this of course does not mean that the national liberation and the right
of self-determination of nations are dead words to us. As Stalin stated
during the 19th Party Congress of the CPSU in 1952: "In the past the
bourgeoisie was at the head of the nation, it acted out of the name of
justice and the independence of the nation, they were at the top of
everything. But today nothing is left of 'national principles'. Now the
bourgeoisie has sold out justice and the independence of the nation for
dollars. The banner of national independence and national sovereignty
has been thrown overboard. Undoubtedly, the representatives of the
communist and democratic parties will take up this banner, if they want
to be the leading force of the nation. Because there is nobody else left
who can take it up" (Stalin Werke, Bd 15, p. 393/394). This is a thesis
we fully support. We recognize the proletariat as the only force that
is able to overthrow world-capitalism, while at the same time being able
to keep up the banner of national independence. In this context
KPD-leader Thälmann in the '20's already pointed out that the working
class does have a fatherland, however, that the nation of the
proletarians is fundamentally different than that of the bourgeoisie
(Thälmann – Zwei Nationen: Die Nation der Kapitalisten und die Nation
der Proletarier).<br />
<br />
The current situation in Greece is a good
example of the struggle of the masses for a national and social
liberation from the dictates of finance-capitalism. However, the
SYRIZA-government (which represents a certain fraction of the Greek
'national' bourgeoisie) has sadly capitulated to the dictates of French
and German banking-capital. Now it is the task of the Greek working
class - unfortunately until now under the inhibitory influence of the
outer leftwing of reformism (the KKE and its Union front PAME) - to
bring not only the social, but also the NATIONAL liberation to a
successful end, since the 'national' bourgeoisie (SYRIZA) so shamefully
capitulated to finance-capital. For this it is necessary that the Greek
proletariat detaches itself from the baneful influence of the 'extreme
Left' (the reformist KKE/PAME) and acts as an independent class-force
(i.e. away from any bourgeois hegemony).<br />
<br />
Struggle for national
liberation - YES, but from the revolutionary perspective of the
proletariat. Because: The consistent struggle for the liberation of the
nation is these days only possible from the perspective of the
revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat! All incitements to wage
the national liberation struggle from another perspective (*namely
non-proletarian) are deemed to fail and only serve the interested from
the (no longer 'national') bourgeoisie. Our efforts to build an
'international' (i.e. European) anti-capitalist network must be seen in
the context of the above mentioned perspective. In this we follow Stalin
his definition of the nation (the nation not as a racial community, but
as a community which is characterized by linguistic kinship, common
geography and space, economy and shared cultural and psychological
aspects [Marxismus national Frage und Stalin Werke bd 2, p. 268-272).
However, we are not under the illusion that one single nation can be
truly free in a further capitalist world. Therefore the militants of the
ACN in one capitalist country must be solidary with the anti-capitalist
struggle of other militants in their own respective, also capitalist
countries. And vice versa.<br />
<br />
With this we hope to give a start for a deepening of the debate in the scene concerning a 'national' anti-capitalism. <br />
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<br />
<b>Notes:</b><br />
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<i>*Dawes-Plan: In 1924 designed aggressive plan by Charles G. Dawes** in
order to capture the payment imposed to the German Reich by the
Versailles dictate for reparations after the war. As a consequence
Germany was forced to pay between 1 and 2,5 billion Goldmark to the
Entente each year for an indefinite period of time. This in return for
800 million Goldmark in foreign loans to restore the market. The Entente
also controlled among others the German railways with this plan.</i><br />
<i>
** Dawes, Charles Gates (1865-1951) Architect of the plan which carries
his name. Was Vice-President of the USA in 1925-1929. Received the
Nobel Prize for Peace in 1925 (->because of the Dawes-plan).</i>Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-31035546159328602292015-09-10T16:03:00.002-07:002015-09-10T16:30:22.282-07:00Basic knowledge for Activists<br />
<i>The organization of actions is of course not an exact science; it however has to be well thought through. Many elements play a role in organizing a successful action. However, if your plans are good, you have a realistic insight in the means as well as the turn out of the action and if those involved with the action can be trusted, than there is nothing that stands in the way of success. With this article we try to give some advice for activists and try to share our experiences with you. </i><br />
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<i>"Freedom is the short moment between throwing a rock and the rock hitting its target.” </i></div>
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<i>- An anonymous activist</i></div>
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<u><b>Direct Action</b></u></div>
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<b>Direct action means acting by yourself against injustice and oppression.</b><br />
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It represents a concrete rejection of conventional political actions (such as elections and lobbying), with which we depend on others to accomplish our goals. Many conventional political actions operate on the basis of the acceptance of our own impotence. It makes us think we don't have the right, nor the power, to change something by ourselves. <br />
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<b>The concept of direct action rejects this acceptation of the established order and suggests that we have both the right as well as the power to change the world by ourselves.<br /> </b><br />
Examples of direct actions are blockades, occupations, picket lines, sabotage, lockouts and of course the general strike. Within the community this means organizing our own actions, action groups, independent media and other initiatives in order to meet our social needs. In the cultural sphere we can think about musical resistance and street art (like graffiti).<br />
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<b>So direct action is not only a method of protest, but represents the construction of an alternative future by taking our lives back into our own hands, without waiting for approval of politicians or other bureaucrats.</b><br />
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<u><b>Organizing an action</b></u></div>
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<b>Make a plan in which you draw out the priorities and goals of your action.</b><br />
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<b>Think well about how you want to share this information.</b> If you act careful and responsible you don't need to worry; share information only within limited circles, with trusted comrades if they necessarily need this information and prevent the use of phones and the internet to discuss sensitive information.<br />
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<b>Be very clear from the beginning about the risks of the action and make sure all involved are aware of this. </b>Also think about how your action is going to affect others. If an action will take place during a demonstration or broader protest, think about what the consequences will be for the organization and your fellow protestors. <br />
<b><br />Scout the terrain where you want to hold your action in advance and keep track of changes.</b> Seek for safe ways out and look out for obstacles, potential targets and surveillance cameras.<br />
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<b>Collect the required gear which is needed for the action, prepare yourself and dress discrete (so that for instance you can easily disappear in the masses).</b> Discuss in advance with comrades how you will act during emergencies and write down a phone number of an arrest group or lawyer on your arm with marker.<br />
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<b>Safety is the key to success during any action. </b>In practice the situation can change quickly and so it’s of great interest to keep track of the developments around you. Keep each other well informed about the situation. When informing comrades give only the information you have and not the conclusions you take from them. This way everybody knows what to expect and panic can be prevented.<br />
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<b>Very important is to get away as fast as possible after the action is executed; know when to stop!</b> If you are in a huge group, than blend in with the masses. Assemble on a previously agreed place and look if everybody is there. Make sure arrested comrades are supported and cared for.<br />
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<b>Get together afterwards to discuss and analyze the action.</b><br />
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<u><b>Affinity groups</b></u><br />
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<b>An affinity group is a small group of militants who get together in order to prepare for a direct action.</b> These groups are organized on an autonomous manner in which everybody shares an equal vote and an equal responsibility within the collective. Sometimes these groups are formed for a specific purpose and sometimes in the prospect of longer campaigns on certain themes. <b>We find the strength of these groups in the things that all members have in common:</b> the thoughts; tactics you want to use; the theme's you want to occupy yourselves with; your skills; or a mix of it all.<br />
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<b>Why an affinity group?</b><br />
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<b>Everybody is strongly involved in the group because all participate in the decision-making process and action. It secures that people are determined to get things done.</b><br />
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Another important aspect of these groups is their autonomy. By working together in small groups you are able to find out what is important for you and to put this into practice. Of course these groups can be part of broader networks and campaigns, but first of all you depend on your own group. Ten small groups of ten people can accomplish more than one hundred people acting as one unorganized mass. <br />
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Because affinity groups are able to take decisions about actions and goals, they are able to act fast and creative if the situation changes. This also means an element of surprise for the authorities.<br />
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Within the affinity group comrades can watch each others back. Stress, police repression, anxiety, setbacks and doubt can be better discussed in the group instead of being carried by the individual. Also comradeship and cohesion within the group keeps informants, provocateurs and infiltrators out.<br />
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<b>How do I start an affinity group?</b><br />
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<b>The absolute basis for an affinity group is comradeship.</b> However, finding friends to go to the pub with is of course easier than to find friends who are prepared to undertake political actions. Sensation seekers, loose cannons and other unreliable clowns only cause problems and therefore have no place within an affinity group. It is of fundamental importance that you only include completely reliable comrades who are prepared to take activism seriously!<br />
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When you are able to collect a group of reliable comrades, you can try to expand the group by finding like-minded people. The organization of and participation in events (like manifestations, educational meetings, or a meeting in general) is a good way to find people who are prepared to be committed to the same goals. For affinity groups which have to exist for a long term it is very important to get to know the (new) people involved in the group. Make sure you all follow the same line and let everybody participate within the group. <br />
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<b>The organization of an affinity group </b><br />
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<b>Affinity groups are based on mutual support and common trust. </b>This is something that has to be worked on. In order to trust each other, you have to get to know each other. Discuss your experiences, concerns, expectations, limits and motivations. Also hang around each other in normal life.<br />
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<b>It’s also important for everybody in the group to know what to expect, what the goals are and how these are going to be realized. </b>A common consensus needs to be reached about who does what in the group, how the group operates, how decisions are made, what the group does and how it will act in certain situations. It’s of fundamental importance that all are on the same page, understand the consensus and act accordingly.<br />
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<b>On this foundation, consensus plans can be made. </b>This means working out a strategy or action <b>together.</b> Put your goals on paper and think well how to realize them. Do research, choose targets and determine which tactics will be most effective to achieve your goals.<br />
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<b>When it is time for action, it is important to keep on checking if all in the group are ok. </b>Follow the previous made consensus and <b>NEVER leave comrades behind!</b><br />
<b><br />Take time after the action to discuss it and analyze it.</b> Ask what everybody thinks, what goals are reached, learn from mistakes and discuss how to use these lessons during future actions. </div>
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<u><b>The Arrest *</b></u></div>
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<i>* Some sections are left out because they relate to the specific Dutch law-system.</i><br />
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<b>If you participate in protests or direct actions on a regular basis, one way or another you will get into contact with the cops. However, it is important to realize that you also have certain rights the cops have to concede.</b><br />
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An arrest is a temporary detention as a consequence of a legal offence or to restore public order (for example during a protest). You do however have several rights during an arrest.<br />
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<b>Police questioning </b><br />
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<b>At all costs keep silent; this is the absolute rule of thumb if you are arrested. </b>But whether you talk or not, it is always good to know in advance how a police questioning will go. A warned activist counts for two.<br />
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<b>Remain silent!</b><br />
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<b>If you are arrested (together with others) during an illegal demonstration, a sabotage action, a small riot or another legal offence of a minor nature, keeping silent is the golden rule. It will in most cases prevent prosecution because the cops will not bother to trace evidence if all remain silent. </b>With heavier offences it is wise to consult a lawyer, however remaining silent is and stays the golden rule, especially if other comrades are involved!<br />
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A good detective will always try to create a good working atmosphere: the cop will try to build a good working relation with the suspect in order to have a 'good conversation'. In general this means the questioning will have an easy start. The situation the suspect is in will be explained and the cop will ask how this makes the suspect feel. The answer will contain emotions and the copper will discuss these emotions in order to make the suspect more at ease, so that he/she will be more willing to talk with the detective. <br />
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At the same time this gives the cop the advantage to see how the suspect is feeling. Is he/she tense, nervous, sad or aggressive? On the basis of this the cop will determine his questioning strategy. After this start a more business-oriented approach is taken. By taking in consideration how the other is telling something, one can learn much of the message he/she is unconsciously giving. It’s not only about what the suspect is saying, but also about what body language the suspect gives (facial expressions, eye contact, posture, etc.). The same form is used to influence the suspect: the cop will first take a unstring position to show that he is open for what the suspect has to tell. However, be very aware: <b>all this is merely a play to enforce an incriminating statement, remain silent!</b><br />
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By asking questions the cop will stimulate the suspect to give as much information as possible. In general a technical distinction is made between open and closed questions. Closed questions can only be answered with yes or no. This kind of questions is usually avoided. Open questions however will advance the conversation and give the detective more clues for new questions. So the more the suspect speaks the more information he shares with the cops. <br />
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If the suspect gives contradictory statements the cop will apply confrontation. If the statement of the suspect contradicts technical clues then confrontation is the legal mean of pressure of the detective. If this confrontation is well done, the mental pressure with the suspect will increase, especially if he/she is detained for a longer period of time. <br />
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<b>Tactical clues</b><br />
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The biggest weapon in the hands of the detective is the technical clues that incriminate the suspect. A tactical clue is for example an eyewitness who has claimed to note your license plate. But many tactical clues can be hit out of the hands of the detective by keeping enough escape routes for yourself.<br />
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Therefore the cop will increase the relative value of the tactical clue by sealing up these escape routes. This is called 'surrounding of tactical clues'. Surrounding is the structure of questions based on the occasion of a clue, to prevent later escapes by the suspect. The cop will seal up any escape route by letting the suspect per tactical clue confirm or exclude relations, so that in a later confrontation with the tactical clue the suspect becomes stuck in the web of relations.<br />
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For instance in the previous example about the eyewitness who has seen your license plate, the detective will first make the suspect acknowledge the relation between him and the car. This way you cannot say on a later occasion that it was not you who has driven the car, but somebody else. Next the detective will aim at the relation with the place and time of the crime. <br />
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During the practical exercise of surrounding the cop has the following points of attention: funneling and observe. Funneling is the questioning from general towards specific. The cop will do this because he doesn't want you to know which specific information (in relation to the tactical clue) he wants to get. He will not give this information and thus uses open questions in order to get the answers he needs. He will ask for as much details as possible. One or more times he will summarize the information given by the suspect and ask for confirmation, this is the observation. Each observation is meant to close down an escape route. <br />
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To get back to the example, the detective will first ask general questions about car trips, to slowly but surely funnel towards your use of the car, ending in the observation by letting you confirm you never lend your car to others.<br />
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<b>Confrontation<br /> </b><br />
The detective will only start the confrontation once all available clues are surrounded, because during the confrontation the cop will show which tactical clues he has, which he will only do once the suspect has no escapes anymore. The most important goal of confrontation is to build up pressure in order to force a confession. It’s heavy to get confronted with your own contradictory statements, because it’s impossible to question the reliability of that source (yourself).<br />
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<b>Signals</b><br />
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The detective will look for leaking signals the suspect gives unconsciously. These signals can tell if the suspect tells the truth or not. Non-vocal signals are: sweating (starts on the upper lip and forehead), a dry mouth (ask for something to drink), (much) smoking, blushing, ticks in the face, many times touching the head, the nose, mouth and ears, tapping hands and feet, playing around with objects, avoiding eye contact, flexing muscles, thickening of veins, farting, burping and a rigid position.<br />
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Vocal signals are: repeating that the truth is spoken ('I swear, really, to tell you the truth'), replay of the ball ('then how did it happen'), avoiding certain themes ('cannot remember this, no comment'), short answers, volume of the voice, speed of speaking, trembling of the voice, stuttering, hesitation, fall back on dialect and short denials ('it wasn't me, no absolutely not'). <br />
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During a confrontation with leaking signals it’s mostly about the difference between what the suspect says and the signals he shows. Other signals are confession signals from which the cop knows that the suspect is ready to confess. This can be long pauses, asking for a pen and paper or asking for the height of the sentence. <br />
<b><br />General method</b><br />
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With the general method the detective wants to minimalize resistance, surrounding clues, confronting and enforcing during questioning, in order to get the suspect to make a closing confession.<br />
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First the detective will try to surround the clues. After this a relatively light confrontation will follow, while allowing the suspect to correct himself without too much loss of face. When the suspect corrects himself the detective will enforce this for instance by saying: 'Thanks for clearing this up'. These enforcements are used to get the suspect to correct his story during the later heavier confrontation. During this the cop will see to it that the suspect gets enough time to change his statement and to 'recover' from the former confrontation. <br />
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This to keep a good working relation, because the detective will slowly but surely increase the confrontations. He builds confrontations in heaviness, time and frequency. During this he rewards the suspect every time he changes his statement. This method ensures that the suspect and detective together work towards a closed confession.<br />
<b><br />So also here the golden rule is: call upon your right to remain silent and minimize proof!</b><br />
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<u><b>The intelligence services</b></u></div>
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In the Netherlands there are different intelligence services: the Algemene Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst (AIVD) and the Militaire Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst (MIVD). There is also the Regionale Inlichtingen Dienst (RID), which collects intelligence for both the police and the AIVD on a regional level. The first two can only collect information, while the latter also enjoys investigative powers. As political activists we are mostly confronted with the AIVD and RID.<br />
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<b>The AIVD has four main tasks: </b><br />
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Conducting research into organizations and persons who are suspected to be a threat for the democratic legal order, the safety of the state or other weighty interests of the state; conducting security researches into candidates for confidentiality; promoting security measures, to secure government and corporate life, that are of upmost importance for the maintenance of social life; conducting research into other countries.<br />
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In practice this usually results into an unexpected visit by AIVD or RID agents at your home, work and/or an unsolicited visit to direct family members to ask several questions. By conversations and building contacts these intelligence services try to get their information. They are always well-informed about your personal situation. Sometimes money is offered to get information as an infiltrator for the AIVD.<br />
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<b>It stands to reason that you don't have any interest in a 'nice chit chat' with the AIVD, so refuse to talk with them and be very assiduous! Always be aware of infiltrators who are willing to sell their own comrades out to the intelligence services and provocateurs who try to create divisiveness in the group. Avert infiltrators, provocateurs and other traitors at any cost from your group!</b><br />
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<u><b>Handling the Media</b></u></div>
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<b>The media can be a powerful weapon in the political struggle because it offers an opportunity to send your political message to a huge audience.</b><br />
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Still there is enough reason to be reticent in regard of reporters. These days the media is not so much about content, but mostly about serving some sensation to the viewer or listener. <b>So keep in mind the media first of all tries to put you into a certain corner, trying to portray you as the stereotype 'extremist'.</b> By doing so they eagerly cut and paste to steer the interview towards a certain direction and to put matters out of context.<br />
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<b>Eloquence and a substantiated consistent story are of huge importance during an interview. Take this in regard when you choose a spokesman for your group or action.</b><br />
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<b>It’s also desirable to make certain agreements with the reporter and to put these on paper. </b>Within this arrangement you can think about a deal which offers you a possibility to look into a publication before it is published or make clear agreements on anonymity. However, in practice most reporters will not agree with this, which makes it important to weigh the benefits against the cons, before accepting an interview. <br />
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<b>Press release</b><br />
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To get attention for a certain action or protest in most cases you will have to send out a press release to the editorial offices of several media.<br />
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<b>A press release must have news content and must be understandable without the head and subhead. Always keep a press release short and succinctly, only put in the most important information and keep it concise.</b> Questions such as "Who?", "Where?", "When?" and "Why?" need to be answered by the press release. Don't forget to add a name (or a pseudonym) and (prepaid) phone number, in case the press wants to contact you for further questions or verification. <br />
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The contact information of the editorial office is usually found on their websites or publications. <br />
<b><br />The interview</b><br />
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<b>Prepare yourself well for the interview.</b> Make sure you have a consistent and strong story.<br />
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Don't get distracted during the interview and if necessary refuse to answer irrelevant questions. Keep in mind only a fraction of the interview is really published or aired. So keep your answers short and brief and do not swerve to far away from the theme, so you can clearly make your point.<br />
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If you are with multiple people then make clear agreements among each other about the message you want to bring and about who is the spokesman telling the story.<br />
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<u><b>Practical tips</b></u><br />
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<b>1. Think about what you take with you to protests and actions depending on the situation.</b> For instance take water and headwear with you on a hot summer day. Take with you enough (cash) money for emergencies. If you suspect police repression, make sure you have disguises (such as scarves), a gasmask, sunglasses, a first aid kit or saline to neutralize pepperspray. Also think about what you DON'T want to bring with you. Sharp objects (such as a dart or stanleyknife) or pyrotechnics can be easily seen as weapons by the cops during a demonstration, which can lead to an arrest or prosecution. So, check your pockets before you leave. <br />
<b><br />2. How do you communicate?</b> Do you and your comrades hear your mobile phone during a protest or is it better to use visual signals? Write down important phone numbers, like the arrest support group, comrades or a lawyer with a marker on your arm. If you go to a foreign country check if your mobile phone also works across the border and make sure you have enough credit. Watch your comrades at all times and abandon no one. Take into account that the cops can confiscate your phone and therefore all information that is on it. <br />
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<b>3. Keep track of the situation around you. </b>Actions are situations that change swiftly and rarely go as planned. The cops use different tactics to keep order during large manifestations. A well-known tactic is breaking up a large group of people into smaller ones to surround them and isolate them. If you are in such an isolated group, prepare for hours of waiting or an arrest. So keep track of the cops and always try to be one step ahead. Make sure that during deployment of dogs and horses that you go out of their way calmly and avoid eye contact.<br />
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<b>4. If you organize an action think about the mobilization.</b> Make a realistic estimate about the number of people you can mobilize. During secret actions you must think on how you inform your comrades without the cops or other unwanted guests finding out. During public actions you must make sure everybody knows about this action, for instance by building a website, use of social media or chain mails. Don't underestimate the importance of mobilization. An action can prevail or fall by it. <br />
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<b>5. Bring solidarity into practice, it is our most important weapon.</b> Be constructive with criticism on other individuals or groups; attack no one personally. Don’t bring people into danger that didn't choose for it. Respect your co-activists and support anyone who needs it (for instance share water and medical supplies). Always be vigilant and think clear: so never show up to an action drunk. Act conscientiously. <br />
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<b>6. Be creative and let your imagination run free. </b>Act on what is relevant in society. Protest and provoke at will. Adapt your actions to the means you have at your exposal. With minimal means such as a spray can, a printer or a bucket of glue you can make a good start, as long as you have a good strategy at hand. <br />
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<b>Hopefully this article provided you with some new ideas and insights. However, activism is not a matter of theory but of practice! It’s a constant learning process in which we must look critically to ourselves as well as our activism. We must learn from our mistakes.<br /><br />Direct actions offer a solution for a rebellious generation confronted with the empty existence of the modern consumer society. It enables us to take our faith firmly back into our own hands by defying the status quo. <br /><br />So share this article among comrades and get into action!</b></div>
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<br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-72731075122769057342015-08-31T08:56:00.002-07:002015-08-31T08:56:51.521-07:00Is Russia imperialist? <b><br />The criteria used to suggest that Russia would be 'imperialist' are exclusively of a military nature; namely the fact the country has possession of nuclear arms and waged two ruthless wars against Chechnya. But military forces and aggression are not necessarily that which defines a country as imperialist.</b><br />
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Like Lenin already stated "imperialism is capitalism on that stage of development, in which the dominion of the monopolies and finance capitalism comes about, the export of capital has received a huge significance, the division of the world between international trusts has begun, and the partition of the entire territories of the globe between the biggest capitalist powers has been completed" (Imperialism as highest stage - 1916 - p 109-110). The dominion over the entire world by a handful of imperialists forms the biggest obstacle for the economic development and social progress of the less developed nations. The constant struggle of the imperialist powers to get access to markets, resources and cheap labour, leads towards a continuous return of imperialist wars in order to create assets and to protect it abroad. <br /><br />Russia, after the Soviet-Union, has never intervened outside the territory of the former Soviet-Union, except a very limited intervention in former Yugoslavia halfway the '90's, when the Russians acted as 'good cops' for the NATO. Moscow has waged two ruthless wars in Chechnya to squash the right on self-determination (the right of secession) of the oppressed Chechens (a right which we support by the way). However, more not-imperialist countries oppress minorities within their state-borders, for example the Tamils in Myanmar (Burma). Russia also fought for South-Ossetia during a war against Georgia; a country which is supported by the USA. During this war between two non-imperialist capitalist countries in 2008 only revolutionary defeatism was the correct position: The class interests of both the workers of Georgia as well as those of Russia had an interest in the overthrow of their own respective capitalist rulers by a socialist revolution. <br /><br />Resurrected after the capitalist contra-revolution of 1991-1992, Russia after the Soviet-Union represents a historical unique and unknown phenomenon. Because the Russian industrial development primary took place in the collectivized economy of a workers state, contemporary Russia does not entirely fit the profile of the long established capitalist countries. The Russian economy, strengthened by the high prices for fossil fuels during most part of the last decennium, has largely recovered from the black hole it fell in after the capitalist 'shock-therapy' of the '90's. However, it does not have the economy of an imperialist power. Russia's new capitalist rulers have a large industrial basis and a huge infrastructure in a country with vast natural resources. However, her industry is significantly short in comparison to other developed capitalist countries in regard to technics and product quality. No branch of the Russian industrial production can compete with that of the international market, except its arnament industry (which is largely inherited from the Soviet Union). In contradiction to the imperialist countries, which are characterized by the export of capital, Russia exports natural resources, not capital. Russia's economy strongly depends on its oil- and gas sectors, which in 2013 was responsible for 16% of the GNP, 52% of the federal Government revenue and over 70% of the export. What must go through for 'investments' across borders, usually takes shape as flight of capital to imperialist centers or tax paradises.<br /> </div>
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Parts of the ruling class of the BRD seek for an alliance with Russia in an effort to realize that what they see as Germany's 'natural' role as ruler over Eurasia. But 'Atlanticists' such as Chancellor Angela Merkel do take a less bellicose attitude towards Russia than Washington does. However, until today the rulers of the USA and BRD have maintained their alliance to reduce or minimize Russian influence in the other countries of the former Soviet-Union. As a consequence the by the BRD dominated EU together with Washington have maintained their sanctions against Russia because of Russia's actions in Ukraine. <br /><br />The existing imperialists, with the USA on the forefront, keep on repulsing Russia out of their club. The imperialist NATO-alliance is extended to and with Eastern Europe (in the case of Estonia and Latvia right up to Russia's borders), the USA intensifies the spread of tanks and other heavy material in the region and for the first time since the end of the Cold War, NATO discusses a strengthening of its nuclear deterrents. US-imperialism also has sponsored colour 'revolutions' to install pro-Washington regimes in different former Republics of the Soviet-Union. The by the USA supported coup in Ukraine last year, which led to the installation of a fascist infected and extremely anti-Russian regime, is the most recent example. <br /> <br />If we call upon all soldiers of all belligerents in Ukraine to 'turn their rifles around' against their own capitalist rulers: i.e. should our position be one of revolutionary defeatism? This was Lenin his position during the First World War, an inter-imperialist war, fought for the redistribution of the world among the imperialist powers. <br /><br />In sharp contrast the current conflict in Ukraine is the direct result of US-imperialist machinations; a civil war. Activists in the Eastern part of the country, which is ethnic mixed, but mostly speaks Russian, insurrected, because the ultra-nationalist regime threatened their national rights. The Kyev regime reacted with the mobilization of the army and neo-Nazist voluntary battalions - that bombarded cities, kill innocent civilians, destroy hospitals and industrial installations. It must be emphasized that although the rebels in Eastern Ukraine are supported by Russia, Moscow is not interested to annex Eastern Ukraine. In contradiction to the repeated assertions of Kyev and its imperialist patrons, that the Russian army invaded, Putin has clearly avoided a direct war with the Kyev-regime. <br /><br />Revolutionary socialists must take a clear position in this conflict: The interests of the working class - in Ukraine, Russia and on a global scale - lie in the defense of the population of Eastern Ukraine and their right on national self-determination. The fact that from a military position we are on the side of the 'pro-Russian' forces in Eastern Ukraine, does not mean we support the leaders of the nationalist rebellions or the Putin-regime (in no way, shape or form). Our defense of the people of Eastern Ukraine, is located in the extension of the approach of Lenin, who emphasized that the right on self-determination is essential for the suppression of national antagonism, thus opening the conditions in which the workers of different nations will get a chance to see that their 'own' capitalist ruling class is the enemy, not each other. <br /> </div>
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<b> </b><br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-58691112339381704612015-08-31T08:51:00.003-07:002015-08-31T08:52:14.709-07:00Succesfull Anticapitalist Demonstration in Waren-Münitz (East Germany)<div style="text-align: center;">
<i>A great action which can be preamble for a new revolutionary spirit in the autonomous NS-movement in Germany</i></div>
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<b>Last Saturday, 22th of August, the AN and Unabhängige Kamerad-schaften, among them AG Nord-Ost, Nationale Sozialisten Müritz and the Kollektiv 56 marched on the streets in the city of Waren-Müritz (Mecklenburg-Vorpommern) for a loud and clear anti-capitalist protest. Around one hundred persons (mostly from the region itself) followed the call, which had "Stop exploitation - Defeat Capitalism!" as its slogan. Among them also several comrades, who participated on behalf of the ACN/AKN. Their report:</b><br />
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Around noon a Black Block - not seen for a long time in the BRD - (the slogans on the banners also pointed out a sincere anti-capitalist mindset) marched towards the city centre. Directly behind the Black Block a sound truck followed, from which the crew intercepted the intermittent silences with a heavy dose of NSHC and NS-rap music, a convenient way to reach out to the audience (especially the youth). We noticed straight away the discipline of the participants of the demonstration. All of them stuck to the political theme of the demonstration, also in regard to the slogans. (Mainly <<A-Anti-Anticapitalista>>, <<Wer hat uns verraten? Sozialdemokraten!>>, <<DGB: Arbeiterverräter!>>, <<Arbeit, Freiheit, Recht und Brot! Nationaler Sozialismus bis in den Tod!>> was called). Also the smoke- and alcohol prohibition was strictly followed. The environment was also held into account with regard to trash. (This is quite different in West-Germany!)<br />
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Halfway during the manifestation an interim meeting was held in the workers neighborhood Papenburg, characterized by its typical DDR-Plattenbau. Speakers of the AN, Unabhängige Kameradschaften and NPD sought contact with the locals. The most remarkable was made by comrade MZ. In his speech he gave a passionate plea for an united anti-capitalist front from both the 'left' and 'right', in which he frequently fell back on the revolutionary rhetoric of the Kampfzeit. Quotation: "Both these energies (those of 'socialism' and 'nationalism') should not clash with each other, but need to merge together (fuse)." To the leftwing he called to fight together (from both the 'left' and 'right') against the system (in a so-called pincer-movement). Also he recognized the bourgeois class-state in his speech, as well as the necessity 'to engage into the class struggle (from the side of the exploited and the oppressed). In a link to Dr. Goebbels he ended with: ,,Durch den Klassenkampf hin zur Volksgemeinschaft!”[1] It goes without saying that these kinds of statements are exceptional within both the very reactionary ‘Nationaler Widerstand’ and also within the 'Autonomous Nationalism' of the BRD. One can imagine hearing these kind of revolutionary statements were quite a relief to us!<br />
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Until the end not much of the counter-mobilization the Antifa had announced was to be seen. Some doubtful elements did their best to hiss the anti-capitalist demonstrators by means of a 'colorful' parade, whistles and a single banner. We'd like to remember these Gütmenschen (and the present Antifa) to the well-known statement of Max Horkheimer: He who does not speak about capitalism, is to remain silent about fascism!" Because: Antifascism is before all anticapitalism! Fascism is merely a symptom of the disease, which is called capitalism. Who wants to fight fascism, needs to fight first and foremost capitalism: without capitalism, there is no fascism! </div>
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The atmosphere of the almost four hours long demonstration was very militant, it made a militant impression, the anti-capitalist was profoundly there, while the enthusiasm of the protestors remained to the end. Internally some critical comments were made: - (In general) too little activists to create a Black Block at any circumstance - A more suited place for an anti-capitalist demonstration (than Waren-Münitz). Further: To realize a truly anti-capitalist character during future demonstrations it is essential that party-political influences are consistently excluded, including the physical presence of NPD-bosses. The propagated revolutionary direction clashes with the still remaining influences of parliamentarism and party politics. Capitalism cannot be destroyed within a parliamentary context. Therefore 'democratic' reformism needs to be fought at all times. Also it uncritically following of the ridiculous order of the coppers to remain silent during the passing of some kind of event in the city centre should also be viewed in the same context. Rightly, this led to some discontent and disagreements between the chanting comrades and the bosses who tried to forbid them to do so. Widerstand lässt sich nicht verbieten!?' Or does it? <br />
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Apart from these negatives, we first of all need to see this day as a test-case for future demonstrations with the same revolutionary direction. We have every confidence that this AN-movement in the near future will develop itself further in a consistent anti-capitalist sense and militant manner. </div>
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<b>UNTILL THE NEXT, HOPEFULLY EVEN MORE MILITANT, DEMONSTRATION!</b><br />
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<br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-88106895061132931772015-07-14T12:34:00.001-07:002015-07-14T12:34:58.776-07:00The betrayal of SYRIZA<br />
<i>Although the article posted below is somewhat dated, it´s still very relevant since Tsipras has sold out the Greek people and surrendered themselves to their creditors. Once again it becomes evident that capitalism cannot be reformed from the inside out. </i><br />
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Short after the convincing election victory of Syriza in Greece last January, it seemed that for some this new political party really represented the ability to achieve a social revolution through the ballot boxes. These people were truly convinced that Syriza would be able to reform capitalism from the inside out in a democratic manner. <br />
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However, after several weeks of negotiations Syriza has already betrayed the trust of its support. Yanis Varoufakis already put all his beautiful electoral promises aside and is now insisting on a continuation of the austerity policy, Greece its relations with the European Union and of the negotiations with its creditors. The complete surrender of Syriza to the Troika last week, reminds us once more that these kind of reformist thesis are nothing more than misleading illusions. Capitalism simply cannot be reformed from the inside out. <br />
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It is impossible to use the political channels of the bourgeoisie to get into power and then try to make an end to austerity within this bourgeois dictatorship. Syriza doesn´t have any power outside the constitutional validity of the bourgeoisie. Now the Troika is tightening the screws, Syriza has no other choice than to follow the path paved by its predecessor PASOK. It’s the unwillingness to finally break with the reformism of its bourgeois ideology, which makes Syriza completely ineffectual to seriously challenge capitalism. <br />
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Despite the betrayal of the reformist politics of political parties such as Syriza, it still finds much support in great segments of the left movement. Of course the cosmopolitan dogma which rejects socialism in one country at all costs leaves no other possibility than reformism: This because a truly revolutionary break of Greece from EU imperialism will inevitably lead to socialism in one country. Therefore the only thing these cosmopolitans have to offer is walking the reformist path, in the vain hope that in the future similar small steps would be made by other countries on a global scale, which at some point miraculously will turn into a global insurgency. It’s clear that these kind of irrational cosmopolitan dogmas are not going to save the Greek people from the crisis. Therefore the Greek people can only benefit from a revolutionary nationalism, which is the only thing able to liberate them from the iron grip of EU imperialism. <br />
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Syriza now has become the executing power of the policy imposed by the Troika to the Greek people and fulfills a clear contra-revolutionary role. Again it seems the reformist ideologues behind the left facade mainly pursue a neoliberal agenda. However, not all is lost. If the electoral victory of Syriza shows us one thing, it’s the fact that anti-capitalist themes find broad sentiments among the Greek people. Hopefully this complete surrender of Syriza to the Troika, will lead towards a new awareness among the working masses that no real revolutionary subversion can be realized through democratic reforms inside a bourgeois dictatorship. Capitalism cannot be reformed from the inside out, only the complete elimination of the capitalist system can bring forth such a revolutionary subversion. <br />
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Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6563378442120310610.post-2715404112904323232015-07-12T12:40:00.001-07:002015-07-13T09:58:37.524-07:00Against Western decadence - The concept of Eurasia<br />
<i>Today the term 'Eurasia' seems to arise again. Although the movement has been familiar with this concept for a longer period of time, and has propagated it here and there, it was recently used by the Russian president Putin. Deservedly? </i><br />
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<i>An exploration through the past of this idea will make clear what this concept means and to what degree national-revolutionaries can benefit from it. </i><br />
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<b>The origin of the 'Eurasian' idea </b><br />
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Russia always had trouble being recognized as a European country by the West. In his time Tsar Peter the Great (1672-1725) already fought for a place for Russia in Europe. However, time after time the West judged that Russia in basis would be 'Asian' and therefore could not be a part of Europe. The term 'Eurasia' would arise much later, around 1921.<br />
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When the October revolution of 1917 eradicated old feudal Russia, dozens of petit-bourgeois intellectuals (ethnologists, linguists, historians, theologians, philosophers, jurists, etc.) went in exile to foreign countries as a part of the Eurasian movement. (Their theoretical enchiridion was bundled under the title “Der Aufbruch nach Osten”). To understand the concept of Eurasia we first need to look to one of the pioneers of this movement. Nikolaj Trubetzkoj, a linguist born in 1890, was one of its founders (read his many times cited work "Europa und die Menschheit").<br />
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If we pick up the links of the West to Peter the Great and his recognition of Russia, we grasp the spirit of the Eurasian idea. In his East-orientation, Trubetzkoj suggests it was not the Kyev-Russian which founded the Russian empire, but the Mongol empire of Dzjengis Khan, and the preceding period the Tartars ruled. It was they who defined the meaning of 'Russia'. Primal-father Khan would have realized the territorial unity for the sovereign territory "Eurasia".<br />
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The "civilized' West that considered itself superior and tried to dominate non-European peoples, had to be fought with its own developed cultural aspects, the own conscious backwardness had to develop itself forward. East and West needed to measure themselves to each other. <br />
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The future of Russia was not meant as world leader, but that of a vanguard against Europe. This was only possible if Russia hooked on to the liberation movements of the colonial peoples, thus disconnecting itself from the European oppressor, with which Russia had nothing in common. <br />
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The conservative author Konstantin Leontjew (1831-1891) can be considered another founder of the Eurasian idea with his position in regard of the Slavs, who's Russian culture needed to be protected against Europe by a clear border (a real wall) between East and West. <br />
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The most important difference between the Eurasian ideas and those of Leontjew, is that the latter didn't really reject European culture, but merely its bourgeoisation and democratization, which followed after the French revolution. For Leontjew the old feudal aristocratic Europe was still the greatest example. <br />
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The later Eurasian movement saw the civil war, the revolution and the fall of the Tsar as positive developments. They did not entirely reject the Bolshevists, nor the ideas of the uprising Italian fascism. Both were seen as positive developments because of the anti-parliamentary and anti-democratic thoughts. <br />
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However, an important obstruction for the Eurasian movement remained the glorification of the own nation under fascism and the imitation of the Western bourgeois culture in the shape of the proletarian culture amongst the Bolshevists. Therefore the "Eurasianists" always wanted to exterminate the ruling Bolshevik Party in the Soviet Union; the hegemony of Marxism had to be replaced by that of Eurasia. <br />
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The dead of Trubetzkoj in 1938 led to the disintegration of the Eurasian movement. (He died after a fatal interrogatory by the Gestapo because of the putative criticism on the racial laws of the Nazi’s after the 'Anschluss' of Austria). <br />
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<b>The development of the contemporary Eurasian idea</b><br />
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It would take more than 50 years before the Eurasian idea experienced a renaissance. The collapse of the Soviet Union during the Gorbatsjov-era heralded a new phase in the search for a new Russian identity. This identity was formulated by Alexander Dugin (born in 1962), a renewed Eurasian idea. These far right ideas seem to miss the mark with their 'Third Way' concept. <br />
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The most important difference between the original concept and that of Dugin is once more a disagreement about the defining of East and West.<br />
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Where the original Eurasianists held an isolationist approach, the new Eurasianists have an expansionist agenda. Between West- and East-Europa "only hostility, hatred, ruthless struggle with or without rules, the struggle for the destruction until the last drop of blood, exists. Between them lie mountains of corpses... Who will have the last word? .... This the war will decide, the 'Father of all things', says Elementy, a magazine associated with Dugin. <br />
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The difference between the old and the new idea is that Dugin wants to start an offensive of conquest from the East towards the West, whereas the classic Eurasian idea wanted to liberate itself from the West to live independently next to it. <br />
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Today also Putin speaks of Eurasia, be it with an even bigger emphasis on the Great-Russian thought. Putin´s concept of Eurasia is a Russian nationalist idea, a greater Russia. It’s not about a united Asia of peoples and its shared (and Dugins) worldview. It’s only about a reaction of might, not a heterogeneous Eastern block against the EU and USA. <br />
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Although we national-revolutionaries don't feel much relationship with the new Eurasian concept, we certainly must see the classical concept of Eurasia as an ally. This because:<br />
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1) It represents an anti-parliamentary and anti-Tsarist ideology;<br />
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2) It defends isolationism against the bourgeois West and wants to unite the peoples of Asia;<br />
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3) (Again) it supports Russia in a liberation struggle against European oppression<br />
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4) It wants a revolution which is not specifically party-bolshevist nor specifically fascist; <br />
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5) Of course next to this, the chauvinist ideas of Dugin and Putin in regard of a Russian imperia need to be rejected. <br />
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So if such a Eurasian movement is developing in Russia or abroad, it would do well by searching a close cooperation with the workers movement, to rid itself of its (petit-) bourgeois roots in order to become truly revolutionary.<br />
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Then the national-revolutionaries will join them in the Eastern camp and help them against the bourgeois democracy and the imperialist West as its brothers of arms!<br />
<br />Vrije Nationalistenhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/14464433323343983560noreply@blogger.com0