donderdag 8 maart 2018

Doubtful 'arguments' from the opponents of the Catalan nation

The opponents of a Catalan nation could be satisfied. The Catalan Government was removed by Madrid and the partial autonomy of Catalonia was abolished. Many Catalan politicians have to appear before the Spanish courts. This will only prove to be a pyrrus victory. Certainly now the recent elections announced by Rajoy in Catalonia resulted in a victory for the separatists' camp. It remains unclear as yet whether, in the longer term, there will be another guerrilla war, as was the case with ETA in the Basque Country in the past. Catalonia itself also had a left-nationalist guerrilla group, which gave up the fight in 1991 and was dissolved. However, now the provocations are continuing and more misery or even a massacre is being waged among the advocates of independence, this option will undoubtedly be put back on the table. The violence perpetrated during the referendum, in which more than 800 civilians were injured, does not augur well. The Catalan Prime Minister Carles Puigdemont's right-liberal centre party has long been cautious about independence. The events surrounding the referendum have therefore provoked a great deal of anger, even among the most moderate supporters of Catalan independence.

For a long time, the Catalans cherished the illusion that the European Union would accept and support Catalan independence. However, with the referendum, the European Union (EU) invariably supported Madrid and made no attempt whatsoever to condemn the violence against the Catalan people. Within the EU establishment, there was a fear that Catalan independence would fragment the Union further, because it would set an example for Scotland, Northern Ireland, Corsica or even South Tyrol. There was also the fear that this would throw oil on the fire of the financial crisis and that of the Euro crisis. In addition, the driving force behind the EU, namely the BRD government, was concerned that its economic interests would be harmed. The BRD has invested a great deal of capital in Catalonia in recent years. Spain itself is also in a stranglehold of austerity. Chancellor Angela Merkel leaves little room for Spain to breathe. Madrid is under strong pressure from the economic crisis and the imposed interventions from Berlin. Youth unemployment in Spain is already above 40%. Spain, after Greece, is probably the largest crisis country in the EU. Here we can study the failure of capitalism. "Then without the EU!"  is now the new slogan in the streets of Catalonia. The seperatists are ' radicalised' in terms of their EU criticism. The supporters of Catalan independence are now putting down the EU flag en masse, where pro-Spanish demonstrators are still waving their EU flags.

Nevertheless, Catalans cannot count on the unconditional support from nationalists in the rest of Europe. These nationalists often have doubtful arguments for this. For some, it is all about "Franco" and the "Spanish civil war" of the past (fascism versus communism), which is projected directly on Catalonia in 2017. This is an absurd and also incorrect assumption. Their aversion to Catalan independence stems from a fear of socialism or left-wing anti-capitalism, should Catalan independence actually become a reality. That is, of course, nonsense. The Spanish 'socialists' fully support Rajoy's position. Moreover, the largest left-wing movement in Spain, Podemos, has also spoken out against Catalan independence. In Catalonia, the bourgeoisie, left-wing nationalists and right-wing forces are all in favour of independence. However, another part of the Catalans is opposed to independence. There is therefore no question of a left-wing front against Spain. This absurd theory of anti-communists would only be true if the Spanish majority were 'rightwing' and the Catalan majority' leftwing'. However, this is not the case at all. In addition to the bourgeoisie, Catalan nationalism indeed also has a strong left-nationalist tendency. Of course, this has historically taken on a strong anti-fascist form. But in contrast to the Netherlands or Germany, for example, this anti-fascism is not anti-national, but NATIONAL! However, whether or not the left is national, is of course of no concern at all for the Franco-nostalgists.

Logically, there are again some conspiracy theories going around in certain (nationalist) circles. With a reference to a report in a Catalan newspaper, some people have referred to Soros as being behind the Catalan referendum for independence. But whether this is the truth or not is not being investigated further, because it fits well within their own concepts. Others refer to the Spanish constitution to show that the separation of Catalonia is illegal. Again a nonsense argument. In the case of many modern states, separation from it was not allowed under the constitution. If we were to put this argument into practice, the Soviet Union would still exist today within the national borders of 1989, because all secession from the Soviet Union was constitutionally prohibited. According to this logic, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Estonia would still be' Russian' today. Even Yugoslavia would still have to exist if it were up to the constitution. Of course, national liberation movements are characterized by the fact that they do not recognise the constitution of the state that oppresses them!

Others on the other hand argue that there is no such thing as a Catalan nationalism. It is, of course, true that the Catalans define the nation differently than we do. This is the case for most peoples on earth. From our nationalistic point of view, it is not at all intended to apply it globally, because our nationalism is specifically concerned with the nature of OUR people. Different nations have different views on what their nation should look like. South American or Hindu nationalism has also hardly anything in common with German nationalism, but nobody cares. Catalan nationalism has both an anti-Völkisch tendency aswell as a Völkisch tendency: it aims to unite all Catalans, including those in France, within one nation. The "Greater Catalan" line is not shared by the bourgeois right, but is a leftist concept that is found particularly in the CUP (Candidatura de Unidad Popular). Their left-wing nationalism is not 'authoritarian' but 'emancipatory'; it is very similar to the left-wing nationalism of the Basque Country and Northern Ireland. However, Catalan nationalism also knows other tendencies, whether classical Marxist, reformist or nationalist. Even the Greens advocate a nationalist left-wing tendency there, in the tradition of the "Joventut Socialista Unificada, l' Entesa de Joves Nacionalistas d' Esquerra". Another myth is the claim that Catalonia wants to separate for purely economic reasons. Catalan GDP, however, is only slightly above that of the rest of the Spanish regions. An average Catalan earns 26,000 euros a year, a average Spaniard earns about 24,000 euros, in Madrid this is even more: 33,000 euros. Therefore, economic motives can hardly have played a role. It can be assumed that this is a genuine Catalan aspiration towards an independent nation and the will to preserve one's own national and cultural identity. The right to national self-determination as a people.

Then there are those who complain about the discrimination against Spaniards in Barcelona. But, was it not this unfair treatment against the Catalans that was the rootcause of this case? Catalans want independence because they are systematically discriminated by Madrid. The anti-Spanish resentment is not illogical for a Catalan. This is just as logical as an anti-Turkish resentment from Kurds or an anti-Italian resentment from South Tyrolean patriots. Of course, they often mean that the Catalans have more solidarity with an Arab refugee than with a Spanish immigrant. However, it should be borne in mind that the Catalans are not occupied by Riyadh or Baghdad, but by Madrid. So the assumption that Catalan nationalists should, for one reason or another, show solidarity with the rest of Spain is absurd. It would be the same as to ask Northern Ireland's Sinn Féin to show solidarity with its London oppressors. National solidarity can only exist among the members of a single nation, not among opposing nationalisms. A Catalan nationalist who has a interest in solidarity with Madrid, should first of all believe that he is no longer being oppressed or suppressed by it.

Finally, there is the 'argument' that Catalans support Islamisation and are "Refugees Welcome"-idiots. There are no fewer Muslims or refugees living in most Spanish regions than in Catalonia. The Catalan regional government has a quota of 5000 refugees, which, when converted to Merkel's Germany as a whole, would amount to some 60.000 refugees. About 1/3 of the "upper limit" set by CSU leader Seehofer as a condition for a coalition with the CDU. It goes without saying that the "Refugees Welcome"-idiot here is the Mayor of Barcelona. However, it will be very difficult to link this to the struggle for independence, as she is an opponent of Catalan independence.

Based on a article of Sache des Volkes

woensdag 13 september 2017

The New Right: The Fifth Column of Zionism

In October 2010, the Dutch right wing populist Geert Wilders travelled to the German capital Berlin. As one of the most prominent representatives of the 'new right' within Europe, he was invited by his German comrades of the political party 'Die Freiheit'. Die Freiheit was founded by the former Berlin CDU-politician René Stadtkewitz. These kinds of new right political parties use the growing discontent, that follows from the imperialist developments, to portray themselves as anti-imperialists and so-called representatives for social themes. However, once we look closer, we will see that what we have here is a very spectacular and refined form of deception: a right wing tendency that was once opposition, but now aims at leading the people towards the agenda of the imperialists.

 Geert Wilders and René Stadtkewitz on the founding congress of Die Freiheit

During his speech in Berlin, Geert Wilders showed his true imperialist nature: “Those (the left in general) who claim that Western imperialism is just as big an evil as Soviet imperialism was; and now even state it is as bad as Islamic terrorism (...) During my speech at Ground Zero in new York on 9/11, I told that we are against a divide of the West - that is the USA and Europe -by the blames at our address by Islamist rhetoric. We must praise unity. This because the Western societies are the most free and most blooming in the world. Therefore, we can learn a lot from the USA, the most free nation in the world. (...) It is your (European) responsibility to chose the side of those who are threatened by Islam - like the State Israel and its Jewish population.” These statements represent the ideology and demagogy of NATO-imperialism in its purest form!

By studying their statements, we become familiar with what these right wing populist movements really are. Wilders for instance has time after time equated Judaism with Zionism - two concepts that exclude each other. That Geert Wilders and René Stadtkewitz are not the only ones who foster such ideas within the right wing spectrum, became clear in December 2010, when in the by the Zionists occupied Palestinian capital Jerusalem a quasi-official statement arose. In this so-called 'Jerusalem Pact' the participants took among others the following statements:

= “After the totalitarian systems of the 20th century were overcome, humanity once more is faced with a worldwide totalitarian threat: that of fundamentalist Islam.” Here it is not the imperialist development of capitalist globalization which is designated as the “totalitarian threat”, but only Islam as a religion. What exactly is the difference between “fundamentalist Islam” and all its other religious expressions is not clarified.

= “With this we are in the front lines of the Western democratic society of values.” So: Clash of Civilizations (Huntington) instead of struggle for social and cultural liberation.

= “We reject every form of fundamentalism, in any kind of religious and political movement whatsoever.” Sounds good at first glance. However, what directly stands out is that the fascist ideology of Zionism is completely exempted from this “rejection”.

= “As only democracy in the Middle East, Israel is our most important point of contact against this advancing totalitarian world religion.” No need to read any further. Calling Israel a democracy is the biggest possible nonsense. With this not only the real message of this statement becomes clear, but also the nature of the political project that lies behind it. Free and general elections are held within a democracy - which is not the case in Israel, because there are millions of people excluded from the elections. Not to mention the many blood baths and war crimes...

= “We recognize the existence of the state of Israel within the framework of international law. Just as the right of Israel to defend itself against all aggressors, especially that of Islamic terror.” Or to cite George Orwell: “War is peace!” Not the by US imperialism supported Zionism, which wages a war against the native population of Palestine and pursues ethnic cleansing, is the aggressor in this case. But apparantly, the Palestinian people who defend themselves against this great injustice, all according to international law, are.

“The here mentioned principles of this political line can not be changed, nor debated.” Well good to know.

This “Jerusalem Pact” was signed by, among others, the following political parties:

= Die Freiheit, Germany
= Pro-NRW, Germany
= FPÖ, Austria
= Zwedendemocraten, Sweden
= Vlaams Belang, Belgium (Flanders)

From the left to the right: Heinz-Christian Strache (FPÖ), Filip Dewinter (Vlaams Belang), René Stadtkewitz (Die Frieheit) - Jerusalem, Palestine 7 dec. 2010

This development is remarkable in many ways: Here the exact same rhetoric is repeated that the secret services and desinformants of NATO-imperialism use, who tried to introduce it with quite some success within the left wing movements. This was especially the case with so-called (anti-German/antideutsche) “Antifa”-groups, where these imperialists desinformants and demagogues abused antifascist cadres of reference to pass through a Zionist agenda. Naturally there are also all kinds of Zionists that can be found in leading roles within the SED/PDS/Die Linke. This new imperialist offensive is meant to also use new right parties to draw potential members and voters from the right national camp back to the NATO-line.

Antideutsche Antifa: Also within the left and antifascist scene zionist proxies are a mean to make activists ready to follow the imperialist agenda 

Within the misleading logic of the imperialist oligarchy and imperialist right (= the bourgeois parties of NATO-imperialism), not capitalism is responsible for the causes of these international developments with all its destructive consequences for man, nature and the world peace, but “the dark forces of Islam”. This example of scapegoat politics is nothing new within human history. A central problem within the European societies is that of forced alienation. However, it must be understood that it is not Islam that is the root of these problems, but a very important part of the imperialist strategy, to realize the disintegration of classic cultural nations in favor of globalism. Here it is not about the origin or religion of the designated groups, but about the imperialist agenda. Therefore, all the Islam- and integration debates are deceptions. Who cares how other cultures resolve their religious questions. Furthermore, integration is not the main problem - maybe in some cases, but it is certainly not the structural problem we are dealing with here.

What really worries the people is the mass immigration and the cultural alienation that accompanies it. The influence it has on the demographic developments within our own cultures and living spaces. These developments that are pre set up by imperialism, which neglect the right on self determination and aimed at undermining sovereignty, are increasingly realized behind the backs of ordinary civilians. Immigrants are merely used as pawns on the board game of the imperialists. Imperialism, that is internationally organized capital, wants to achieve two concrete goals with is migration politics: On one hand the immigrants will serve as cheap labor, which previously could only be exploited in further away regions - thus at higher costs. At the same time the wages of the native populations are decreased and social rights evaded. Also, with socialist- and union resistance it is hard to combat this imperialist strategy - for example by demanding a legal minimum wage -, because most of these aliens fall into the shadow economy and thus don't fall under official legal standards.

Geert Wilders adresses Pegida: Streetactivists of the New Right 

As a consequence of this immigration an immense pressure is exercised on the existing national and cultural structures. The right on cultural self determination of the European peoples is directly challenged. When this immigration politics - imposed by the mainstream parties of imperialism - escalates, only those who imposed these strategies are able to keep themselves standing. Nationstates and cultural structures are obstacles for imperialism and its strive to impose the global market and its geopolitical structures of power to realize the 'One World Capitalism' under imperialist dictatorship. In this context the 'New World Order' is of great use for imperialism, because it weakens all existing national structures -legal norms, economy, culture as well as territorial integrity - and contributes to their disintegration. Here the imperialist right wages its class struggle on an economic, legal as well as cultural level, where both the indigenous populations as well as the migrants become the victims.

This globalist background is totally neglected in the actual debates of the bourgeois imperialist mainstream. They are aimed at holding deceptive debates. Although the multicultural society is failed, some bourgeois parties want to combat its problems with even more immigration - “progressive”-strategists already make a doubtful attempt. While the problems of ordinary citizens pile up and the elites are alienating themselves from the daily reality, the social unrest and anxiety among parts of the population increase. The imperialist process of cultural disintegration is experienced more and more as a real threat. The resistance against it takes the shape of a growing self-awareness for cultural and national self-determination. Therefore, the imperialist strategists and desinformants have a huge interest to conceal their own part in this and to aim the resistance, against people from other cultures or from a “strange” religion. This is exactly the reason why these imperialist desinformants founded the new right; to try to instigate a cultural clash as a distraction from their own agenda.

New Right on the rise in the whole of Europe

As anti-imperialists we recognize that the problems of alienation are only one aspect of a broader set of imperialist developments - namely that of capitalist globalization. All these different questions are connected to each other. If we combine the social, cultural and international issues together, an inherent logic becomes clear. The national revolutionary discourse has the assignment to formulate a comprehensive criticism and to lead this into rational actions. This criticism has to contain clear answers. Therefore, we must unmask the new right for what it really is: namely a fifth column of imperialism and Zionism!

zaterdag 22 juli 2017

The G20 in Hamburg: Welcome to Hell!

Many people were surprised by the severe resistance against the G20 summit in Hamburg. This led to many discussions within anti-capitalist circles. In the run-up to the G20 the system media already warned for the arrival of more than 150.000 protesters, of which according to estimates of the coppers 8000 would be prepared to use violence. Some observers of the ACN/AKN travelled to Hamburg to report.

The day in advance of the G20 summit the police chief Hartmut Dudde* already informed his troops of a change of course: the coppers would follow a hard, repressive line. There was no option of a deescalation strategy. Dudde beforehand, chose for a confrontation with the protesters.

Although the initial protests against the G20 remained peaceful, they escalated Thursday at night during the “Welcome to Hell” demonstration in Hamburger-Hafen. According to the system media the coppers wanted to disband the protest, because some protesters refused to take down their facial covers. In practice the 12.000 protesters didn't get a chance to participate with the demands of the coppers. The coppers immediately confronted and attacked the protesters in an attempt to isolate about 1.000 autonomen from the rest of the protest. Despite the efforts to contain these protesters, several groups were able to break out of the police chain to spread out in the neighborhood of Sternschanzen. Here in the streets it deteriorated into a battle field: expensive cars were burned out; there was  much smoke in the streets and above because of burning objects and barricades; robocops in the streets; excessive use of violence, teargas and water cannons by the coppers.

This violent escalation marked the mood for the coming days. Friday was also the scene of an unprecedented repression by the coppers. Sternschanzen was hermetically sealed off, heavy armed special units (SEK) were deployed and extra reinforcements were called in (despite an already 20.000 officers (!) strong force). The neighborhood St. Pauli was still somewhat accessible and became the scene of several 'protest' parties, spontaneous protests and short cat-and-mouse games with the coppers. Saturday the events would end with a bourgeois mass demonstration, in which over 200.000 people made a fist against the G20. The protest itself was mostly peaceful, but once again ended in provocations by the coppers. However, the intense resistance of the previous days abstained.

The decision of bundeskanzler Merkel to organize the G20 summit in the left wing bulwark Hamburg proved to be a game of party politics. In reaction to the violence the system media claimed the “left” should take responsibility for the events in Hamburg. Fingers were mostly pointed at the reformist and bourgeois “left” parties (SPD, Die Grünen and Die Linke). Only 'Die Linke' dared to condemn the excessive police violence, but soon recalled this declaration, to join in with the rest of the bourgeoisie. In the Netherlands we saw a similar response with the reformists from the SP, where Emile Roemer also condemned the violence surrounding the G20 (he remained surprisingly silent about the police violence).

There were also discussions in the radical-left scene about the violence surrounding the protests against the G20. Some embraced the riots and didn't want to discredit the spontaneity of the actions. Others condemned the so-called 'senseless riots' and 'a-political violence'. Andreas Blechsmidt - representative of the Rote Flora - (rightly so) pointed the finger towards the policy of the police on Thursday. Not the Black Bloc, but the coppers were guilty of the violence. Still, he distanced himself from the vandalism in Schanzenviertel. A logic statement considering the Rote Flora depends on a good relation with the neighborhood, which provides back cover for its activities there. Remarkably enough Blechsmidt could count on acclamation of the system media (and a local group of enterprises): The vandalism and plunder had to be the work of South-Europeans (Greek, Italian, Spanish and French protesters), who were not conscious about the relations in the neighborhood. Or, they simply saw everything German as a legitimate target (because German imperialism is for most part responsible for the economic excavations of the weak economies of Southern-Europe, which caused much grudge).

Also, within the nationalist scene the events in Hamburg provoked many reactions. A significant part displayed itself once again as being arch-reactionary: “Hamburg would have been hostage of an organized anarchist terrorism!” The hooligans of HoGeSa called “to take back control over the city!” - a clandestine call to attack anti-G20 protesters together with the coppers. The usual right wing elements were on the forefront to cry along with the howling wolfs of the bourgeoisie, and condemned “the rioters who destroyed the private property of the working class [really ???].” The Dutch ACN/AKN collective takes a far distance from any of these kinds of reactionary elements (also within the international ACN-relations!). The targeted actions against the G20, its infrastructure and its security (the coppers), would never have been possible without spontaneous 'riots' and temporary rebellion. Therefore, it is useless to connect these events to some kind of misplaced ethical philosophy, let alone uncritically parroting the system media and bourgeoisie!




Note: * Hartmut Dudde has a long history as chief in command of police violence. On the eve of the 21st of December 2013, Dudde already tried to stop an autonomous demonstration. This succeeded after just 200 meters. However, it then completetely escalated: stones flew, water cannons were deployed and there were hundreds of wounded on both sides. The system media described it as a “battlefield”, one of the biggest confrontations Hamburg had seen in a long while. Days after the incident there were stil parts of the city that were declared 'no-go areas'. 

woensdag 19 juli 2017

In the spirit of the SA: Towards a Revolutionary National Socialism!

National socialism was, contrary to what is commonly believed, never a movement of the right. It strove for a sincere and authentic German socialism. Traditionally, the left in Germany never pursued the interests of the German people. With the defeat of the German empire in 1918 this once more became painfully evident. The first World War exposed the vulnerable position of the nation as a 'Mittellage' between its French arch-enemy on the one hand and the Russian empire on the other. From the West, the Anglo-Saxon liberal democracy tried to integrate Germany, in the form of the Weimar Republic, into their liberal democratic world order. At the same time from the East, Germany was threatened by the communist world revolution of Moscow. The East gained influence through the presence of a strong communist party, the KPD, which acted as a promising vassal for Moscow.

National Socialism was born in this political climate in 1920, as an attempt to create an authentic German völkisch-socialism. As the name national socialism already suggests, this movement had a double complementary identity; the unification of the ideal of nationalism and that of socialism. However, in political practice this appeared to be rather controversial, because a convinced socialist worker party cannot do anything else than focusing on the working class and forging alliances with worker movements. On the other hand, a primary nationalist party is expected to address the people as a whole, forging alliances with right wing political and social formations. A certain schizophrenia stems from this, which led to tensions within the movement.

North-West against South

As the strong man of the movement, it was Hitler who determined the course of the NSDAP. From the start, he tried to take a neutral centrist position by acknowledging the socialism of the party, but denying its proletarian class character. Still, this was not enough to prevent the buildup of regular tensions between the national and the social camps. Especially the period between the failed national socialist coup of 1923 and the take over of power in 1933, the movement was a scene of violent principled conflicts about the course of the party. During many occasions the party militia, the Sturm Abteilung (SA), was in the middle of these conflicts. Besides this, there was a cultural gap that spread straight through the party. This gap revealed itself in 1925 as a contradiction between the old Southern gravity point of the NSDAP and the leadership of the movement in the industrial West and North of Germany.

Inside the West and North German movement, Joseph Goebbels and the Strasser brothers proved to be the biggest rivals of Munich. It was Gregor Strasser who developed a socialist alternative, devised in a revolutionary adaption of the NSDAP program. Since the beginning of his career, he already proved to be a sincere anti capitalist. He understood very well that the industrial North of Germany required a different approach than the rural and traditional South. He was supported in this by a young Joseph Goebbels, who stated that the German nationalism had to develop into a German socialism - and this was supposed to be a radical socialism. He openly sought alliances with the national-bolshevists and was quite positive about the communists, whose biggest mistake according to him was their connection to Moscow. This controversy got a political charge when Strasser and Goebbels openly presented their revolutionary program. However, under strong pressure from Hitler and the party leadership in Munich, Strasser caved and withdrew the copies of his program. Afterwards the ideological discussion in the party leadership was silenced.

1926: Strasser and Goebbels in Berlin

The Sturm Abteilung

For the SA this wasn’t the case. National socialism stemmed from the soldiers revolt that followed the defeat of the German empire. Many members in the party were veterans from the many Freikorps and other paramilitary organizations in the country, who in this uncertain times upheld order on their own. In a sense they simply continued the war, spirited by a deep desire for community, fellowship and equality. This was the breeding ground for a renewed believe in the national cause and a more egalitarian society - a militant nationalism connected to a radical socialism. With the SA the NSDAP created its revolutionary vanguard, that was to embody what the movement was meant to be: a revolutionary combat group, with unconditional loyalty to the Führer.

Although the SA was officially subordinate to the party leadership, tendencies towards independence arose on several occasions. This commenced from the proletarian make up of the SA, whose militants were inclined to more revolutionary and radical actions. In many occasions the militia developed its own ideological preferences. When Hitler (in 1923 after the failed putsch) was sentenced to prison, Röhm let the SA 'submerge' into a new combat group. When Hitler was released from prison and tried to claim the highest authority back, Röhm was an inconvenience. It wasn’t until the end of 1926 that Hitler was able to replace Röhm with a more compliant commander. However, this didn’t solve the tensions between the party and the militia.

The revolutionary profile of the SA became strengthened throughout the following years by a steady influx of workers. The SA presented itself as the vanguard of the proletariat, and as such knew a huge influx of new members. During the economic depression that started in 1929, the membership rose from 10.000 members to 300.000 members in less than three years. There was also great discontent among the members of this militia because of the huge electoral victory during the Reichstag-elections. This electoral victory led the party leadership to openly embrace a legal way towards power and consensus politics. This was at odds with the SA who favored revolution, because of its class character, temperament and ideology.

SA men in a truck bearing the slogan: Be socialist in deed!

When in 1930 the head office of the party in Munich settled in an extremely prestigious and precious building, the SA demanded an improvement of its financial position. The common SA man had a very bad wage, but was obliged to do the dirty work for the party leadership. When this demand was not met, the SA stormed the head office of the party in Berlin and caused major damage there. As a consequence, Röhm was re-appointed to restrain the SA, but without much success. Walther Stennes, commander of the SA in Berlin, maintained his position that the legal course of Hitler equaled treason to the revolutionary spirit of national socialism. A rumor that Walther Stennes had been fired, was enough to unleash a SA revolt in the whole North- and West of Germany. During this revolt more and more SA men looked at the communist KPD as an example of a real workers party. Although this revolt took threatening shapes, the party leadership was able to appease the moods. However, in 1931 it once again sprung to a conflict, in which Stennes violently occupied the printers and offices of 'Der Angriff' in Berlin. The SS was deployed to get the occupiers out of these offices. Also notable, were the good relations between the SA and the Kampfgemeinschaft Revolutionärer Nationalsozialisten of Otto Strasser, who left the party with about 100 dissatisfied members under the slogan: “The socialist leave the party!”

Walther Stennes, Commander of the SA in Berlin

The Treason of 1934

While Hitler and the party leadership defended their choice for a legal conquest of power and profiled themselves as the moderate representatives of their movement, the radicalized proletarian support of the SA was ready to push the revolution by overthrowing capitalism. In 1933 the transfer of power from Paul von Hindenburg to Hitler took place. The representatives of big business had embraced Hitler’s appointment and even managed to get a place in the new cabinet.

This political lobbying behind closed doors and the collaboration with capitalists was a thorn in the eye of the SA. The SA started to deal with their political enemies, the hated bosses and bureaucrats, on the streets. Banks and corporations were attacked and the stock exchange in Frankfurt was occupied by a SA unit that demanded the resignation of the entire management. The militia wanted to push their revolution, but Hitler was far from delighted by these actions. During a mass manifestation of the SA in April, he thanked the militia in the name of the people and the nation. However, for the good listener a farewell could be heard.

The tensions between Hitler and the SA increased even more because of the ambitions of Röhm to predestine the SA as the new national army of the German empire. This made the Reichswehr feel threatened, and they started to put pressure on Hitler. Soon unconfirmed rumors were circulating that the SA had plans for a putsch, to get rid of the Reichswehr. In the night of 30 June to the 1st of July SS leaders Heinrich Himmler and Reinhard Heydrich seized the opportunity to behead the SA, thereby squashing their revolutionary aspirations. On this 'night of the long knives' 89 SA leaders were ambushed by SS units and executed. Shortly after the SA was shredded and shrunk, with which the last autonomous and revolutionary force in the national socialist movement disappeared. 

89 SA leaders are being executed in 1934

maandag 17 juli 2017

About the Urge for Deeds: Ernst Jünger and the Autonomen

"Rather to incinerate on the barricades of the revolution, than rotting away on the dung hill of democracy!"

Ernst Jünger would be very interested in the recent events surrounding the G20 in Hamburg. Brave warriors who fought without fear, against the ruling order in the light of burning barricades. During the first World War the then 27-years old national-revolutionary and Reichswehr officer Ernst Jünger wrote down a text in his diary, which - provided they would keep his name secret - could have counted on much consent among the autonome warriors in the Schanzenviertel.

The pamphlet of this anarch of German literature, who didn't want to call himself an anarchist because the term was hjijacked by the left,  is called "Struggle as an internal and engaging experience." In it Jünger criticizes "the society of the spoiled culture, which is divided in all its activity and lust." Only on the battlefields of the first World War Jünger could find salvation and overcome the compulsiveness of this ruling system. He wrote: "There [on the battlefield] man liberates himself in an orgy of ecstasy, when all around him collapses." 

He strives for the rediscovery of violence, because each attack on the foundations of the bourgeois culture, leads towards a spontaneous outburst of lust. In contradiction to his other works, this ecstasy of violence is not a plea for a new order or for the militarization of all aspects of life. Jünger’s only goal here, is a hedonist strive towards the ultimate fulfillment of the spirit; the struggle itself as the most intensive expression of human existence!

The link between Jünger’s pamphlet and the autonome "politics of the individual" is easily made. Not the people or the worker as social class is the starting point of political action, but an orientation on the self and the interest of direct co-warriors. Also in the glorification of violence and struggle, the autonomen have more in common with Jünger, then they would be willing to admit. The wellknown autonome slogan; "freedom is the short moment between throwing the stone and the stone hitting its goal", is very revealing in this context. Throwing a stone is not a means to overcome the system, but a deed of short-term individual liberation - in the eye of the actual inability to overthrow the ruling order.

Already in the '80's of the last century, the German social-psychologist Klaus Horn pointed out that in highly developed industrial societies public violence can give the illusion that man becomes active in the world again: it makes sure that the individual from the passive object of relations, becomes the active subject of the events. Horn’s dark prognosis is perfectly illustrated by the American movie 'Fight Club'. Brad Pitt as Tyler Durden states: "We are all consumers, waste products of the general lifestyle obsession." He directs these sentences to a nameless protagonist, played by Edward Norton. Durden’s answer to this desolate insight is a secret society of alienated men, who only feel alive when they hurt each other during ruthless fights in the basement of a bar. During the film this Fight Club develops into a disciplined and organized army, that attacks the public order - alienated persons in a state of war, who until the last second of salvation resiliently  fulfill their roles as rebel.

In this current pacifist and conformist society, the hedonist self-fulfillment through violence is once more elevated to the highest ideal. Jünger teaches us that in this sinking ship of globalism, pacifism will disappear. Jünger argues that passion, the irrational and instinctive force, will prove inexhaustible, even if it is occasional. His presentation of the struggle as the most intense and highest form of existence , will set us free from the oppressing chains of the established order!

zondag 16 oktober 2016

4th National Manifestation in Brussels: Two years of struggle against the Michel-government - Two years of combative illusions

It appeared official last Thursday: The social protest against the reactionary government-Michel I and its very worker-hostile austerity policies came to a dead end, because of the three big Belgian Unions.

“In 2014 the Union leaders made a mistake. They had to strike away the government. Though, because they did not let the government fall, they gave this weak and divided government a chance to increase the austerity policy”, the Linkse Socialist rightly wrote in a pamphlet to mobilize for the great manifestation of this day. However, they made the mistake to suggest that the Union leadership only made a mistake in tactics in regard to the struggle against the government, instead of making the masses aware of the fact that this was the deliberate aim of the Union leadership! The Union leadership wanted to canalize the anger of their organized basis through harmless protests and by letting it bleed to death. We can only come to the conclusion this has worked.

Dockers against the Michel-government

Once again the Pseudo-Left in Belgium has let themselves be fooled by the 'radical' language of the Union bosses: Marc Goblet (“far left” within the FGTB) called for the fall of the government by a general strike before the end of this year. Date of strike: 7 October.

However, in the De Standaard of the 22th of September we could already read that “the three big Unions had “canceled” their, for the 7th of October, planned strike” Only the ACV-Metal called for a strike anyway (in metal and textile - good for 200.000 workers). Other Unions would follow in other sectors with actions, but a general strike stayed off. Marc Leeman (ACV-boss) was confused by this: “What signal are we giving? We do not strike and we do strike. It is not very clear.” The CEO of the Federation of Belgian Enterprises, Pieter Timmermans, had not much hope left for a return to an “easier social climate” after the news of a general strike, but it is clear he can feel safe again.

Workers filled the streets as far as one could see

The De Tijd (29 September) wrote on the morning of the manifestation that “one of the many proposals, one by the N-VA, would be a second index jump”. “Nonetheless it would not apply to everybody, only for pensions and unemployment benefits...” The day after the Het Laatste Nieuws continued that the N-VA once again wanted to get rid of “the fiscal deduction of the Union membership fee and wanted to correctly tax the Union premium tax.” (The Union premium tax is a certain amount of money that the employer pays for his employees which are syndicalized) This open and provoking Union-bashing by the N-VA/MR-government will probably not flare up the protests against the government again.

In regard to the manifestation itself we must come to the conclusion that this time there was no opportunity for militant participants to get into a direct fight with Michel's police core on the Zuidlaan. Apparently the Union bureaucracy had gotten their orders from Jambon, by hermetically sealing of the Zuidlaan with barriers manned by the internal Union stewards, who acted as the “auxiliaries” of the cops. Because of this, the masses were not able to hang around at the end of the manifestation with a lack of speechers and music. The set-up of the cops and the Union bureaucracy was very successful: the most part of the militants went to the station to return straight home.

Pyrotechnics lightened at the barricaded Zuidstation

No, any form of militant protest or independent organization of the worker itself was once again stopped by the Union bosses. (Still some libertarian communists gave the headquarters of the PS and the office of B-post a nice 'makeover') Once again the Union bureaucracy had to let down the reformist left; it simply does what has been its function since 1914. Namely: Making sure that the capitalist production process keeps on functioning well. Keeping the class peace (between capital and wage labor) intact!

The PS office got a 'make over'

donderdag 26 mei 2016

Unions protest in Brussels - Firm confrontation with the Cops

Last Tuesday the 24th of May the Belgian workers movement (the "socialist" ABVV/FGTB, the christian ACV and the liberal ACLVB) organized a national manifestation in Brussels. Around 60.000 people gathered to protest against the austerity policy and reforms of the Michel-government. Special target of the manifestation was the Minister of Work, Kris Peeters, who wants to flexibilise the 38-hour working week (the so-called 'Loi Peeters', borrowed from the French 'Loi Travail/El-Khomri' and the very militant resistance against it).

A delegation of the ACN/AKN traveled to Brussels to join in on this protest. Not to join the usual circus of the union-bureaucracy, but to support the independent struggle of the workers. Although the whole demonstration was mostly orchestrated by the system-unions, the massive presence of disgruntled workers and activists proved the Belgium workers movement is alive and still has the potential to become a revolutionary force of interest. As long as they liberate themselves from the yoke of the reformist union- and party bosses! 

Thousands protestors fill the streets of Antwerp

The demonstration started with the usual walk through the city center towards the South station. Fireworks were, as is the tradition, ignited and along the way the RVA (employment service) and PS ("socialist" party) offices were besmirched with paint bombs. Notable was the absence of the dockers of Antwerp during this protest. Did they deliberately avoid this manifestation, because the unions helped to abolish the law Major? A combatant and excited atmosphere prevailed among the many protesters. The unions themselves had employed over a thousand security people to keep the manifestation under control.

KVA Office hit by paintbombs and smeared with graffiti

Arriving at the South station the protest turned grim in no time after the cops, under the threat of bat beatings and 6 (!) water canons, tried to push back the flocking crowd. A motley collection of workers, anarchists and local youth gave a proper response to this police provocation, by setting up an improvised blockade with several crush barriers. The coppers were treated with a rain of stones, pyrotechnics and bottles. During the short confrontation that followed, the police chief of Brussels, Pierre Vandermissen, was knocked down by a militant (there seems to be a trend throughout Europe, where militants deliberately target higher police cadres (-> targeted actions), such as in London in Nov. 2015, in Paris and in Nantes). In the fights that followed the cops were able to arrest several comrades.
Cops try to drive back protestors under the threat of bats and watercanons
Preparations for first charge
'Hero of the day' - Chief of Police goes K.O.
With the help of water canons the militants were pushed back under the bridges of the train tracks. Because of a lack of force and cover of the masses (most protesters went straight to the train station, once arrived at the endpoint - set-up of the unions?), this quickly turned into a stand off with the cops, where the stone throwing was from time to time answered by one of the water canons. The resurrection of some barricades proved useless, and more cops closed in on the protesters from three different sides, only leaving open a small gateway to the train station. After this it quickly came to a climax, where most protesters left towards the station.
Watercanons force back militants

Three cops were wounded during the confrontation. Eight protesters were injured by the police violence and another fifteen were arrested. The bourgeois press did what was expected of them, and used this confrontation caused by the cops to criminalize the entire manifestation. Instead of condemning the police violence, the reformists of the union bureaucracy were the first to put the blame on 'the anarchists'. It is clear that for these reformists the class struggle may only be waged within the boundaries that the capitalist order imposes!

Stand off with the cops
Militants set up barricades
Although this national manifestation was less massive and/or militant than its predecessors, all the signals for a hot summer are there. The coming months several actions, strikes and protests will be held against the scandalous austerity politics and reforms of the Michel-government. We will follow these events closely.